Archive for December, 2012

Liberian editor speaks truth to power

By Ralph Geeplay

11 Questions: Activist Stephanie C. Horton

Horton is the managing editor and founder of Sea Breeze Journal of Contemporary Liberian Writings (SBJ), an e-publication that promotes Liberian arts and culture.

1. Why was Sea Breeze Journal established, and how long have you been in existence?

Thanks for the interview, Ralph, and for shining a spotlight on our arts and culture. I founded SBJ primarily as a platform for creative expression, but also to bring other intellectual works to public attention. This is why the word “writings” in the journal’s name is plural. Not least, the name honors the almost forgotten Sea Breeze folk songs from the 30s through the 60s, sung in English, but patterned after traditional indigenous musical styles. We publish art, creative non-fiction, short fiction narratives, short films, cultural stories, poetry, interviews, book reviews, criticism, theory, and social and political commentaries.

Our first publication was in August 2004. We published quarterly through 2006 until 2007 when we became a biannual publication because of the volume of submissions we received that required extensive editing and revisions. This is an intimate, involved, complex back and forth process between editors and writers. All of our editors are volunteers with demanding careers, and we had to both accommodate their schedules and honor our commitment to work closely with writers through the revision process, so this was why we changed from a quarterly to a biannual publishing schedule.

You can say I conceived of a house, so to speak, in cyberspace, where Liberians at home and all over the world could come to see each other’s work, share their artistry, make connections, form artistic collaborations, and nurture and be nurtured in a creative environment. The accessibility of the Internet, the ease of usage and the ability to reach an audience instantly at minimal cost made it an almost ideal platform. The idea of electronic archives on the Web also appealed to me. I was invested in making that happen for Liberian texts, particularly in the context of the erasure of our intellectual histories and cultural identities; what I see as the disappearance and rewriting of our history before our very eyes from a definitive neo-colonialist perspective, before we have even begun to re-imagine ourselves whole as a whole people.

2. Where is the Liberian Sea Breeze Journal today?

We’re on hiatus and at the moment I can’t say when we’ll be back online. We have some serious database issues and unfortunately our fundraising efforts to address them fell short. The editors, who also function as the board, work on a voluntary basis and have carried all the expenses of the journal. Now we need donations from our readers.

We also suffered a terrible blow with the death of our finance editor Doeba Bropleh, one of our strongest board members and a galvanizing force. He was deeply loved and cherished, we’re all still reeling, and we haven’t yet found someone to replace him. Because we’re a peer-review journal, editors have to have multiple skill sets and it’s been difficult finding someone to take his place who is just the right fit. I’m the coordinating center but the editorial board members are spread across three continents – Africa, North America and Europe. Right now we’re communicating about the practical working out of further fundraising activities.

3. You are an activist and recently wrote an op-ed in the Huffington Post. Could you comment on the piece you wrote?

I wrote about gay rights as civil rights and human rights in response to the violence that erupted at home against innocent, powerless people. Disenfranchisement and denying the full humanity of one group or another has been a constant throughout our history, and this was a concern and provoked me to speak out.

What we see happening now is a situation of systemic exclusion, demonization and disadvantage for most LGBTI Liberians; poor LGBTI Liberians to be exact. Social tolerance factors for the elites as always are still in play. But pre-war, there was a predominant social culture of passive tolerance for gays. Some held important government positions and were respected in society. Name-calling on the street such as sissy, fag, punk etc. were not uncommon, but very rarely escalated into the kind of violence we see now, with vicious mob attacks and really very shocking threats and hate speech.

I think we have yet to deal with sexual crimes and sexual violence in our society. Part of the homophobia comes from the unexamined male sexual violence, which is an academic term describing male perpetrators and male rape victims. We now know from several serious studies that have been published that about an equal number of males as females were raped during the war. Emasculation, forced nudity, terror, sexual enslavement, manipulation, these were all aspects of violence during the war against males perpetrated by heterosexual males. This is what we know happened to females. We know that the focus has been on female victims and that male victims face a greater shame and stigma because of how males are socialized. Males are less likely to report or receive counseling and support because of this social conditioning.

There is no difference between sexual abuse of males and females. Rape is an act of violence, power, dominance, humiliation and control. In the same way a heterosexual pedophile’s rape of a girl has nothing to do with him being heterosexual, male sexual violence is not an expression of homosexuality or heterosexuality. A rapist is a rapist; a pedophile is a pedophile, whether gay or straight. But in Liberia today homosexuality has become conflated with male sexual violence. Innocent homosexual males face more hostility than heterosexual men who are known pedophiles. So these are some of the reasons I took the issue on, to stimulate critical thinking and raise awareness. I also wrote two other pieces, “Illegal and Invisible: Sexuality, Identity and LGBT Rights in Liberia,” and “A Piece of the Peace for LGBT Liberians: An Open Letter to Leymah Gbowee.”She didn’t respond, and that’s part of the problem. Prominent Liberians are unwilling to get involved. I felt as a writer that I had to say something.

4. The religious community is also spreading hate against gays, as are policy makers. Why should the ordinary Liberian care about gay rights?

History teaches us that the erosion of anyone’s or any group’s basic rights means our own rights are in jeopardy. That’s why ordinary Liberians should care. If we stand by and allow others to be harassed and persecuted for being born the way they are, then our silence is complicity, as they say in struggle. We must care when our fellow citizens are treated unjustly and their rights are violated, as Angela Davis put it during the Black Power Movement in America, “If they come for me in the morning, they will come for you at night.” Once you open the door to fascist policies it’s very hard to close it. That door is swinging ajar in Liberia.

It’s also absurd that now at a time when the UN itself refers to sodomy laws and laws against same-sex relationships as relics of ”colonial-era legislation,” backward Liberian legislators are trying to pass more punitive anti-gay laws. The UN’s Yogyakarta Principles were written by an international cadre of human rights experts against discrimination based solely on an individual’s sexual orientation or gender identity. The UN should know what they’re talking about when they highlight “colonial-era legislation,” because the UN’s central power structure is composed of imperialist colonizers. But we don’t hear our legislators addressing how neo-colonialism operates in Liberia.

Unfortunately, those religious leaders who are using their influence to demonize and marginalize LGBTI Liberians as un-African, un-Liberian, and ungodly are ignorant. Some are also corrupt, as most of our government leaders are, because it’s well-known that the extremist right-wing fundamentalist American evangelical movement spreads hatred, misinformation and division through funding anti-gay structures across the continent. These are the heirs of those who came to Africa with the bible in one hand and the gun in the other. Do we hear them preaching against how neo-colonialism operates today in Africa?

The online political newsletter CounterPunch has an excellent article by David Rosen on the role of the right-wing US evangelicals called “Doing the Devil’s Work: The Christian Right’s Anti-Sex Campaign in Africa.” The origin of homophobia in Liberia today is American. But the Liberian newspapers do not print anything about these so-called Christian fundamentalist right-wing groups. The New Dawn falsely reported instead that nonexistent gay rights groups in America and Europe pledged to give three million dollars to members of the Legislature and Senate to push through a gay rights bill. That was proven to be a lie. So this is how we are under an avalanche of propaganda, manipulation and thought control. Call me paranoid conspiracy theorist for wondering why American Brigadier General Hugh C. Van Roosen who specializes in Psychological Operations (PSYOP) has been assigned to work in Liberia. Please look up PSYOP and then see if you still can call me paranoid. Wikipedia has a good article with sources cited.

5. Are you surprised at the position President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf has taken on the issue, given that she’s a Laureate?

No, I’m not surprised. Given her historical record and observing her actions, nothing our President says or does surprises me. She’s consistent even when she’s being contradictory. I do know that the LGBTI community voted overwhelmingly for her and held rallies during her campaigns, hoping that a woman president would bring sensitivity and compassion to empower their community. They got nothing in return so far but indifference.

6. For those who do not know you and the huge influence of Sea Breeze Journal, who is Stephanie Horton?

Ha, that’s a loaded question because how does one describe oneself in the context of “huge influence” without appearing egotistical and self-serving? I would say I’m a cultural worker, that’s all. I’m interested in our history, our collective beauty, our strengths, how and why we’ve been broken, those wisdom epics, myths and imaginative folktales from the past ever evolving that tell and show us what blood runs in our veins, our extraordinary music, dance and drama, the ancient philosophies running through our days, the stories buried within us, the struggles we now face.

7. The arts and culture have been neglected in the Liberian society, not to mention the national museum and the theater and cinema. What are your thoughts on this?

I don’t think anyone would disagree with that assessment. Dr. Elwood Dunn’s Independence Day oration this past July should be mandatory reading for every Liberian, particularly students, because he so brilliantly captures the neglect, the impact, breaking it down and making sense of it. Now when even the Sande and Poro are under political attack, a group was stirred to awakening by his speech – the newly formed Arts and Culture Council of Liberia. I would like to believe that they offer a ray of morning light in the thickening darkness. Many of those involved know what authentic art and culture is, and who the true custodians of those domains are. They also have their own unique talents and vision. They draw from that well.

8. What do you do in your spare time?

I choose to live somewhat of a solitary life. I have many interests and am involved in global and local activism covering human trafficking, labor rights, the environment, social justice, the prison industrial complex, Net neutrality and other things I consider to be critical matters of our times. You won’t find me at parties, weddings, conferences and all the other places most of us generally gather to socialize. You could call me eccentric as I definitely do not conform to norms. I read a lot, fiction and non-fiction. I write. I love the theatre, international films, music, good food, long discussions with a few close friends about books, politics, art, the state of the world and particular places.

9. What do you think about reconciliation in the Liberian society after almost two decades of war?

It’s nonexistent. The disparity in class wealth has deepened and shown us that indigenous elites are indistinguishable from settler elites in selfish avaricious greed. Yesterday’s ruthless warlords are today’s ruthless leaders. Instead of gaining access to capital for self-driven development, people are being displaced off their ancestral lands for foreign interests to exploit, destroy and control during their entire lifetimes.

The educational system is a criminal offence. Students are still taught more about the outside world and everyone else but themselves as Africans. They aren’t learning about Africa or the Liberian world that they can touch, see and feel, its past and pre-Liberian history, the world they need to know and understand to know and understand themselves.

I foresee sweatshops and low wage factories coming soon. We already see the list of job training going on in the oil industry: janitor, cleaner, cook. We see the workers being exploited in all the burgeoning sectors. The youth are still traumatized, neglected, policed, criminalized, dehumanized. Vulture capitalism rules. We are a corporate hegemony with the President as Chief Executive Public Relations Officer, answerable only to foreign shareholders. Our concept of progress is self-destructive. We have regressed and devolved as a nation. Even our sovereignty is imperiled.

10. As an activist intellectual and one with interest in public policy, do you envision holding political office in Liberia?

I don’t think that’s likely!

11. Any favorite quote or leader you admire the most?

I’m almost ashamed to say the writer Bessie Head because she’s not Liberian, nor a leader, but then again shame is impossible for I admire her so. My own sense of self and how I move in the world is shaped by her work. Like her, I am a hybrid by circumstance of birth and nationality, belonging to no one tribe or place. I am part unknown, part Kpelle, part Jamaican, part East Indian, part Native American, part Southern American, and part German, planted in Liberia. Because I am essentially Black and Africa herself embraced me as her child, I have very little choice and no other inclination but to simply be Liberian. Bessie Head was simply African, of no tribe or race. I learned from her how to create my own sense of belonging. This is what her work is all about.

Ralph Geeplay can be reached at www. liberianlisterner.com

Making the case for dual citizenship in Liberia

Paper presented at the Conference on “Dual Citizenship in Liberia,” sponsored by the Union of Liberian Associations in the Americas (ULAA), held in Washington D.C., Saturday, December 8, 2012.

By George Klay Kieh, Jr.

Globally, the issue of dual citizenship or dual nationality is not a new phenomenon. This is reflected in the fact that several countries—e.g. Australia, Belgium, Costa Rica, France, Israel, the United Kingdom and the United States—have liberalized their citizenship requirements, so that dual citizenship can be accepted. Similarly, in the case of Africa, several countries like Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, the Central African Republic, Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Lesotho, Morocco, Namibia, Nigeria and Togo do recognize dual citizenship.

However, in the cases of some of the countries that have not accepted dual citizenship, there are debates about the pros and cons. One of those countries is Liberia, which, after more than three decades of civil conflicts, including two civil wars(1989-1997 and 1999-2003), is faced with the Herculean task of post-conflict peacebuilding. The debate about dual citizenship in Liberia is framed by two major perspectives. The anti-dual citizenship perspective is premised on several arguments. The core one is based on the absolutist conception of citizenship: An individual can only be a citizen of a single country at a time.

Accordingly, if an individual decides to accept the citizenship of another country through the process of naturalization, then he or she forfeits his or her Liberian citizenship. Another argument is that those Liberians, who left the country during the country’s civil conflict and became citizens of other countries, are not patriotic. Hence, they are no longer Liberians. The implicit postulate is that those Liberians, who have remained in the country during the period of civil conflict, are the true patriots. To use the local parlance, “those who have remained on the ground,” are the ones who are committed to Liberia. Also, there is the argument that those Liberians, who left the country and became citizens of other states, no longer, have an understanding of the so-called “new realities” in Liberia (a nebulous reference that lacks empirical specificities).

Importantly, there is a covert and selfish reason that is harbored by some Liberian elites, who currently have positions in the state bureaucracy. Their concern is that the adoption of dual citizenship would create competition for their jobs. That is, dual citizenship would make those, who are currently residing abroad, eligible to hold both appointive and elected positions. Significantly, since those in the Liberian Diaspora constitute the core of the country’s intellectual and professional capital, they would therefore be well-positioned to take positions in the public sector at the expense of those who are currently occupying those positions. This masked reason is the cardinal obstacle to the adoption of dual citizenship in Liberia.

On the other hand, the pro-dual citizenship perspective’s central argument is that some Liberians left the country and became citizens of other countries for legitimate reasons, especially their personal safety and security, against the backdrop of the excesses of the post-coup murderous regime of Samuel Doe, and the two civil wars. Hence, their migration to, and subsequent acquisition of citizenship in other countries was motivated by these stark realities. Also, despite their physical absence from Liberia, they continue to maintain ties with the country through, among other things, the provision of economic support for relatives and friends, the provision of humanitarian assistance to educational institutions, medical facilities and others, and the undertaking of advocacy on behalf of the country.

Against this background, this paper agrees with the pro-dual citizenship perspective, and uses its major arguments as the central foundation. In addition, the paper argues that the conception of citizenship that underlies the case of the anti-dual citizenship perspective in Liberia is Byzantine (it is archaic and outdated), because it fails to take cognizance of the travails of the Liberian domestic political economy and the civil conflict it engendered. And they ways in which the resulting civil conflict led to the waves of migration of Liberians in search of security and better economic opportunities.

Moreover, the adoption of dual citizenship would not harm Liberia in any way. To the country, as will be argued, it will benefit the country tremendously, particularly in light of the enormous challenges Liberia faces in addressing the roots of the multidimensional crises of underdevelopment—cultural, economic, political, security and social— that have bedeviled it, and resulted in a coup and two civil wars. The remarks made by Dr. Addo Kufor, the then Ghanaian Acting Minister of the Interior, on July 3, 2002, on the occasion of the passage of the “Dual Citizenship Regulation Act,” captures the essence of dual citizenship:
The legislation is a tribute to the great support Ghana has received from her citizens
who have been living beyond her shores over the years. This support has been in
the areas of economic, technical, social and infrastructural development…The NRGS
contribution of 400 million dollars cannot be treated lightly, and so the importance
Ghana attaches to NRGS cannot be overemphasized (Tande, 2012:1).

FRAMING THE CASE FOR DUAL CITIZENSHIP IN LIBERIA

In the current context of the debate, the adoption of dual citizenship in Liberia should benefit two major clusters. The first one consists of those Liberians, who left the country and became citizens (through naturalization) of other countries (countries in Africa, Asia, Europe, North America, South America, the Pacific, and Australia). The other comprises individuals, who were born outside of Liberia to a parent or parents, who are currently citizens of Liberia, as well as those(parent or parents), who were born in Liberia, but have become citizens of other countries.

However, in addition, I support the expansion of the ambit of the liberalization of citizenship in Liberia to include African Americans and others of African descent, who are desirous of maintaining their current citizenships, while acquiring Liberian citizenship. In other words, people of African heritage, who were not born in Liberia, should also be allowed to hold dual citizenship—their current ones and Liberian citizenship. The rationale is that this will benefit Liberia in several major ways.

THE CONTEXT: THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF LIBERIA

The political economy of Liberia provides the context for why some Liberians migrated to other countries in Africa, Asia, Europe, the Americas, among others, and acquired citizenship. In this light, let us examine some of the major features of the country’s political economy. At the base is a state whose central mission has been to create propitious conditions for the predatory accumulation of wealth by the owners of multinational corporations (e.g. Bong Mines, Firestone, Liberian Agricultural Company, LAMCO) and other foreign-owned businesses(e.g. Lebanese-owned businesses) and Liberian state managers and their relations(Kieh, 2008; Kieh, 2012).

On the other hand, the state has visited deprivation and misery on the overwhelming majority of Liberians (Kieh, 2008; Kieh, 2012). The related feature is the unfair and unjust distribution of wealth and income. For example, in the 1980s, about 6% of Liberians (the members of the ruling class) owned and controlled about 65% of the national wealth (Kieh, 2008; Kieh, 2012). This was made possible through the instrumentality of the state: The members of the ruling class used the state to engage in the predatory accumulation of wealth through an assortment of illegal means, principally through the pillaging and plundering of the national treasury). Accordingly, the state has become like a “buffet service” in which those who have state power in Liberia at particular historical junctures and their relations “eat all they can eat” for free(Kieh, 2009:10).

Another characteristic of the domestic political economy was (and is) the failure of state managers to provide basic “public goods” such as employment, education, health care, etc. Also, in order to keep their privileged positions, state managers, as instruments of the ruling class, have used the coercive powers of the state to visit physical violence on both the real and imagined opponents of the particular regime that is in power at the time.

Cumulatively, the vagaries of the political economy led to multidimensional crises of underdevelopment, which reflected the failure of the state (its unwillingness to provide for the basic needs of the majority of its citizens) (Kieh, 2012). Concomitantly, state failure resulted in state collapse, as evidenced by the erosion of the legitimacy of the state and its regimes (Kieh, 2012). The terminal phase of state collapse resulted in a military coup on April 12, 1980, and two civil wars in 1989 and 1999. In turn, these violent activities created an environment of insecurity, as the Liberian state became the principal threat to the safety and security of its own citizens.

THE WAVES OF THE MIGRATION OF LIBERIANS

The failure of the Liberian state to provide human security for the majority of its citizens led to five major waves of migration. The first wave was from the 1960s to 1980. The thrust of this wave was economic: Those Liberians, who left the country and became citizens in other states, did so because they wanted to improve their economic conditions. This was because, as has been argued, the Liberian state failed to provide for their basic human needs.

The second wave spanned the period 1980-1989. The central propellant of this wave was that some Liberians feared for their safety and security, against the backdrop of the murderous nature of the Doe regime. These included those whose relatives were executed by the military regime after the coup, those who had been imprisoned at various times by the Doe regime, and individuals, who were subjected to constant harassment by the junta.

The third wave occurred from 1989-1997, and was driven by the first Liberian civil war. The war began on December 24, 1989, when the Charles Taylor-led National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) initially attacked north central Liberia from its launch pad in neighboring Cote D’Ivoire. Characteristically, the Doe regime mobilized the full battery of its military and security assets, thus setting into motion the country’s first civil war. Among other things, the war led to deaths, injuries, destruction, and a broader climate of violence and insecurity.

The fourth wave took place from 1997-early 2003. The pivot was the murderous regime of Charles Taylor. Contrary to its claim to set Liberia on the course of democracy and development, the Taylor regime created a “garrison state” that was anchored on repression and murder as the axles of state-society relations. For example, having lost legitimacy due to its horrendous performance, the Taylor regime undertook a vicious and violent campaign of ethnic scapegoating. And this was reflected in the political persecution of members of the Krahn and Mandingo ethnic groups, who the Taylor regime recurrently accused of treason.

The fifth wave (2003) was propelled by the second Liberian civil war. The war, which began in 1999, and remained confined to the western portion of the country, reached the outskirts of Monrovia, the capital city, in mid-2003. Amid the characteristic mayhem, thousands of Liberians fled the country in search of safety and security in other countries.

Clearly, Liberians, who left the country at various periods, did not do so in a vacuum. Instead, their migration to other countries and the subsequent acquisition of citizenship was driven by the imperatives of the Liberian political economy. In other words, hamstrung by the lack of economic opportunities, and threatened by physical insecurity, these Liberians had to do what were best for them. In fact, given the same opportunities to migrate, there are only very few Liberians, who will not take advantage. Thus, the context of the migration of some Liberians and their resulting acquisition of citizenship in other countries is indispensable to understanding the rationale for the country’s needs to adopt dual citizenship.

THE BENEFITS OF DUAL CITIZENSHIP

The adoption of dual citizenship by Liberia will benefit the country in various major ways. First, as Liberia is currently faced with the Herculean task of addressing the taproots of the multidimensional crises of underdevelopment that has led to civil conflict and its resultant coup and wars, the country needs human capital. Clearly, Liberians in the diaspora, as has been argued, constitute the kernel of the country’s skills pool. Accordingly, dual citizenship would enable them to bring their expertise to bear in helping Liberia to address the conundrums of democracy and development.

Second, dual citizenship would create the enabling environment in which diaspora Liberians can invest their capital in the social and economic development of Liberia. This is because Liberian citizenship would provide them with a sense of security, as well as a stake in the material advancement of the country. In addition, these diaspora Liberians would be able to help in mobilizing the type of foreign investments that would accrue benefits for Liberia. Cumulatively, both the personal investments by diaspora Liberians, as well as those that they mobilize would help to create employment opportunities for Liberia. Undoubtedly, this would help to meet a current critical need, especially in light of the high rate of unemployment in Liberia, particularly among the youth.

Third, diaspora based Liberians would be able to continue their advocacy on behalf of Liberia in the international community. Historically, this group of Liberians, especially those in the United States, has played a pivotal role in the mobilization of international support for the promotion of genuine democracy in Liberia, and the termination of the country’s two civil wars. By having dual citizenship status, these Liberians would enable these Liberians to have a renewed sense of commitment to promoting Liberia’s interests abroad.

CONCLUSION
The central conclusion of the paper is that it is in Liberia’s vital interest to adopt dual citizenship for diaspora Liberians, as well as those individuals, who were born outside of country to Liberian parentage. This is because Liberia would derive tremendous benefits that would be pivotal to helping the county to address its perennial crises of underdevelopment. Clearly, the arguments by the anti-dual citizenship perspective are ahistorical and are driven by selfish impulses rather than the interest of the country.

REFERENCES
Kieh, George Klay. 2008. The First Liberian Civil War: The Crises of Underdevelopment. New York: Peter Lang Publishing.
Kieh, George Klay. 2009. “The State and Political Instability in Africa.” Journal of Developing Societies. 25(1), pp. 1-25.
Kieh, George Klay. Liberia’s State Failure, Collapse and Reconstitution. Cherry Hill, NJ: Africana Homestead Legacy Publishers.
Tande, Dibussi. 2012. “Why Liberalizing Nationality Law is a ‘Win-Win Situation.” The New Black Magazine. www.thenewblackmagazine.com

Dr. George Klay Kieh, Jr., is Professor of Political Science and Former Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of West Georgia. Professor Kieh can be reached at [email protected]

[1]Disclaimer: The author would not benefit from the adoption of dual citizenship in Liberia. This is because he is a citizen of Liberia, and a permanent resident of the United States (since 1985). Hence, his position is not shaped by the desire for any personal benefit.

A possible AIDS vaccine is underway

By Clemente Ferrer

The Institute of IrsiCaixa AIDS Research, in collaboration with researchers from the National Research Council (CSIC) and the University of Heidelberg (Germany), has come up with a possible AIDS vaccine. The team’s findings are published in the “PLoS Biology” Journal.

Moreover, more than US$ 25 million have been invested as a way to give an international response to the AIDS problem in poor countries, according to a study on what countries need carried out by the Joint United Nations Program on HIV and AIDS.

These investments cover the targets for global access to HIV prevention, treatment, care and support for HIV and AIDS. The United Nations plan certifies that a third of this flow will be invested in missions linked with changing human habits, practices, and social factors that continue to support the epidemic. Moreover, these resources will be destined to the strengthening of health systems.

The UN says that more than 70 million teenagers will undergo scans for the detection of HIV and AIDS, as well as preventive care treatment and services that aim to prevent maternal-child transmission; 20 million homosexual men; 7 million prostitution professionals; and 10 million drug addicts, will all have the opportunity to be alleviated by benefiting from these prevention services against this deadly virus.

There are more than 33 million people worldwide living with this virus. The number of new infections reached 2.7 million and the AIDS related deaths reached 2 million. Saharan Africa has 67 percent of persons who live with this disease at a global scale.

Furthermore, according to the World Summit of Ministers of Health, in order to prevent AIDS the following elements must be respected: human and spiritual values; not to mention that human rights and the dignity of the person must be protected.

Among the pioneers of AIDS are doctors Luc Montagnier and Françoise Barré-Sinoussi, Nobel Prize winners in Physiology and Medicine, as well as German researcher Harald zur Hausen, who determined the human papillomavirus. The cruel scourge of AIDS settled in about 5,700 lives in developing countries every year.

Homelessness and AIDS form a devastating combination. In Malawi, one in seven adults is HIV positive and half a million children are homeless. Life expectancy has fallen from 52 to 39 years.

The pandemic is considered to be a “national disaster”, according to Derek von Wissell, director of the National Emergency Response Council on HIV and AIDS, one notable fighter against this virus of death. In Mozambique life expectancy has fallen from 60 years in 1997 to 31 years as of today, the lowest in the whole world. Infant mortality has been 108 per thousand. There are 130,000 orphans, which amounts to over 30 percent of the child population. Between 50 and 60 percent of malnourished children are affected by AIDS.

I have always asserted that what is left over from the rich is the heritage of the poor, and that the common good is above the individual good (Translated Gianna Sanchez Moretti).

Author and journalist Clemente Ferrer has led a distinguished career in Spain in the fields of publicity and press relations. He is currently President of the European Institute of Marketing.

[email protected]