Archive for May, 2014
Judge Melvin Johnson and Ellen Corkrum: A call for permanent cease fire and truce
From the beginning of the corruption allegation drama between the Government of Liberia and Judge Melvin Johnson and Ellen Corkrum (known in the press as the) “pair,” some Liberian citizens at home were blaming the alleged corruption scandal on the dual citizenship status of the pair and called on lawmakers to deny the application for dual citizenship to be legal in Liberia. To set the record straight, we published an article title: “Can a Dual Citizenship Holder be Extradited?” The article was not meant to take side in debate.
However, the message delivered by the pair at the forum held May 25, 2014 under ‘Liberia Destiny Debaters’ seems to suggest that the 2-year old corruption-allegation drama appears to be reaching a crisis proportion; and we need to raise a white flag for a permanent cease fire and truce not only for peace, but also for the following reasons to wit.
Dual Citizenship Holders Have No Right in Liberia
At the May 25, 2014 forum, the pair brought with them an anti-corruption petition to be signed by Liberians at home and abroad for circulation to the Government of the United States, ECOWAS, United Nations, and other world body in order to pave the way for the appropriate legal action against the Ellen-Johnson Sirleaf government for corruption (we stand to be corrected in our quotation).
However, it is sad to report that the major roadblock that this petition will encounter is that a dual citizenship holder has no right in Liberia to petition the impeachment, prosecution, or removal of any sitting government official from office for any offense against the citizens or the country. Under the current Laws of Liberia, the right to do so is exclusively reserved for people holding only Liberian citizenship, supported by the voice of the international community. In short, dual citizenship is not recognized under current Liberian laws.
Therefore, since more than 85 percent of those expected to sign the anti-corruption petition are dual citizenship holders in the Diaspora, the lawmakers in Liberia who are vested with the powers under the constitution to impeach or remove elected officials from public office, will invoke these anti-dual citizenship laws in order to dismiss the pair’s petition with prejudice.
Liberians Want to Avoid the Charles Taylor Experience
The 1980 military coup was ushered into power in order to eliminate rampant corruption and misuse of public office. But in the first year of the coup, newspapers began carrying daily stories of corruption in low and high places in government. Charles Taylor was then serving in government as GSA Director. Taylor knew about the corruption scandal but did nothing to resign in order to exonerate himself. Instead, Taylor mysteriously disappeared from the country and surfaced in the United States where he was accused of stealing over US900,000 from Liberia. The Government of Liberia filed an extradition petition to the U.S. Department of State and Department of Justice. But nothing happened.
In the years that followed, instead of fighting to exonerate himself from the corruption allegations, Taylor mobilized support from Liberians in the Diaspora and returned to Liberia in December of 1989, accusing the Doe government of corruption and gross abuse of human rights. This is how the 14-year civil conflict started and destroyed Liberia.
Thus, if the pair believes the corruption allegation against them is truly false, the best honorable recourse is to use the law in order to prove their innocence. In so doing, they could either wait until the Government of Liberia pursues them in court or wait until the statute of limitation for the allegation ends where they would be free to file a defamation lawsuit against the Government of Liberia.
But the anti-corruption petition is not a viable option for peace in Liberia. At the height of the civil crisis in 1990, the world advised Taylor to wait for the new elections scheduled in 1991 for Doe to leave; but he insisted that the time was too long. Therefore, in order to avoid the Charles Taylor experience, the pair is advised to abandon the petition drive and use the legal recourse or wait for the 2017 general elections. We do not want troublemakers and opportunists to take advantage of the petition in order to undermine the hard-earned peace in Liberia.
Corruption-Allegation Drama Undermines Pair’s Future Career Advancement
The truth is, the 2-year old corruption allegation drama is undermining the pair’s future career advancement than President Ellen-Johnson Sirleaf. After 2017, President Ellen will be out and the pair would like to return to Liberia in order to utilize their skills and education under the new elected President. But will the new President trust the pair to be appointed to work in sensitive areas of government when they were seen secretly recording people voices in President Sirleaf’s Government? Of course, not. The same is true in the United States. The price for whistleblower everywhere in the world is lifetime isolation from sensitive and confidential information.
However, in the case of Liberia, the only surest way to remove this fear or confidence crisis over the pair is to completely quit the recording spree and abandon the controversial anti-corruption petition now. The pair should also abandon the news media and treat every news story with silence and contempt. Many people, especially Liberians, have short memory. The memory of their fear and confidence crisis will mysteriously disappear as soon as the pair disappears from the news media-press, web, facebook, twitter, etc. In Liberia, we believe in the theory that says: “Out of sight, Out of mind.”
Therefore, the term ” permanent cease fire” as used in this article means quit the recording spree and abandon the anti-corruption petition. The term “truce” as used herein means completely withdraw from the news media war and focus on advancing the pair’s career for the future. In short, the pair should focus on repairing their image for the future, not on the past.
Arthur B. Dennis is a retired Army Brigadier-General residing in New Jersey. He can be reached at 609-328-5260 or [email protected].
Preventing future Boko Haram attacks
By Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Kulwant Singh and Dr. David Leffler 

Violence and conflict have plagued mankind throughout history, and the terrorist attacks by Boko Haram are just a current manifestation. How can Nigeria protect itself from future attacks? Ideally, the best way to guard against emerging terrorist threats would be to have no enemies. No enemies =no terrorism! An unfamiliar but effective human resource-based approach called Invincible Defence Technology would help the military of Nigeria to begin creating a lasting peace by preventing such enemies from arising, both internally and externally.
Invincible Defence Technology (IDT) is a scientifically validated solution to conflict and violence. There are over 50 published studies confirming its effectiveness. This recently revived method of preventive defense promises to end terrorism and conflict. Its adoption in Nigeria can set an example of peace-based defense for the rest of the world - something all military leaders would value.
Militaries have tried to quell violence and conflict through a dynamic approach, i.e., with weaponry and military personnel. But, interestingly,
even with advanced weapons, they cannot eliminate problems like terrorism. New terrorist threats constantly emerge, and the number of terrorist cadres and cells continues to grow. Even with more fully equipped police and paramilitary forces, militaries cannot eradicate them. More alarming, defense experts predict that terrorists will soon start using portable, easily concealed weapons of mass destruction to launch their attacks around the world. Imagine the dire ramifications for Nigeria if a dangerous terrorist group like Boko Haram could obtain such devastating weaponry.
War, conflict, violence and terrorism are human problems. They require a human solution.
So the question remains: Can war and terrorism be prevented with the military methods used in the past? Again and again, history shows that the answer is “no.” War, conflict, violence and terrorism are human problems. Therefore, they require a human solution. Their underlying cause is accumulated stress in society’s collective consciousness. If the collective consciousness is full of tension and fear, then disorder is more likely to erupt into some specific act of violence than if the prevailing mood is one of contentment. Social injustice and unfavorable economic conditions thrive in and contribute to chaotic environments. Unresolved religious, territorial, political, and cultural differences further add to the unrest.
A dissatisfied and frustrated population contributes to its own instability Thus, a dissatisfied and frustrated population contributes to its own
instability. The buildup of this sort of tension is dangerous to any nation’s sovereignty, producing an unstable government that is prone to war.
However, if the collective social stress driving these problems is prevented, negative manifestations would cease. Thus, zero collective stress
ultimately means no war and no terrorism.
Invincible Defense Technology is rooted in the ancient Vedic knowledge of India, which describes the best approach to prevention as Heyam duhkham anagatam (Yoga-Sutra 2.16): “Avert the danger before it arises.” Similarly, Yoga-Sutra 2.35 affirms Tat sannidhau vairatyagah: “In the vicinity of Yogic influence - unifying influence, integrating influence, coherent and harmonious influence - conflicting tendencies do not arise.” These ancient principles were effectively applied in past, and they have already been successfully applied in today’s world, with commendable results.
According to Vedic tradition, conflict results from ignorance - ignorance of how to prevent the buildup of collective stress through the harmonizing influence of coherence. For example, the Ramayana states that “…ignorance will have no access within eight miles from [the Yogi’s hermitage].” The Ramayana describes the ancient city of Ayodhya, whose name means “Invincible.” Certainly, Ayodhya relied on the conventional defense technologies of its time. For instance, “It was enclosed by strong fortifications and a deep moat, which no enemy, by any expedient whatsoever, could penetrate.” Also, “Ayodhya abounded in warriors undefeated in battle, fearless and skilled in the use of arms, resembling lions guarding their mountain caves.” However, the descriptions of the enlightened, stress-free life of the inhabitants of Ayodhya indicate that its first line of defense was the city’s freedom from collective stress. According to the Ramayana, this low stress level, based on life in harmony with Natural Law, made Ayodhya worthy of its name.
In today’s modern cities, however, social stress gets generated by countless violations of natural laws (i.e., crimes are committed every day). People’s weakness results in an inability to find positive and life-supporting ways to fulfill their desires. Crime contributes to a growing cloud of negativity for a city and for a nation. When the stress from crime, frustration, unhappiness and lack of national fulfillment grows beyond a certain limit it spontaneously erupts into terrorism and war. Therefore, ignorance, or lack of understanding of how to act in accord Natural Law, is responsible for suffering in human affairs.
Picture of Prevention Wing of the Military in Latin America
Military personnel in USA, Latin America, Asia, and Africa practice group Transcendental Meditation to increase their performance and resilience better helping them protect their nations Indoor Picture of Prevention Wing of the Military in Latin America.
Implementing Ideal National Defense
Maharishi Mahesh Yogi revived the practical components of this silent approach for national defense. They are all-known around the world as the Transcendental MeditationR and TM-SidhiR program. These programs are evidenced-based solutions, with a substantial amount of published, peer-reviewed research that has accumulated since 1970. Because they are human resource-based technologies, they are easy to implement and practice.
It is important to note that they do not involve religious belief or practices. Members of many faiths worldwide have practiced these meditation
techniques. Extensive scientific research documents the ability of the TM and TM-Sidhi program to dissolve stress on the individual and collective levels.
Could the ideal of Ayodhya’s preventive defense again be accomplished by militaries today? Yes! It is already starting to happen now.
Military-related leaders in the USA, Latin America, and Africa, are applying TM because peer-reviewed scientific papers have confirmed that regular practice produces many other wide-ranging, measurable benefits. These include increased intelligence, creativity; reduced stress and improved health; and more fulfilling and harmonious interpersonal relationships. Most importantly to warriors, TM increases resilience, mental clarity and physical strength as well enhancing mind-body coordination (See Defence and Security Alert, Vol. 4, Issue No. 8, pages 34-39). Also, from a practical standpoint, the TM program is easy to do and has no religious philosophy attached. For nearly sixty years it has been taught to millions of people (including schoolchildren and their teachers) around the world from every race, cultural background, religion, ethnicity and educational background.
Are soldiers willing participants in such an unusual endeavor? Again, yes! A study was conducted by Ecuadorian army psychologists to assess the value of the IDT preventive defense program after its soldiers had been practicing it for one month. The results? Over 96% of the soldiers thought it was a very practical activity. Why are these warriors convinced? As the study showed, 92% felt their performance in activity had improved and they were better able to deal with stress; 96% declared their relationships with others had improved; and 95% said their practice of IDT was completely satisfying.
The operative part of IDT requires having a Prevention Wing of the military. This wing is comprised of a small portion of the armed forces of a country. The rest of the military carries on with their usual duties. The Prevention Wing of the military creates societal coherence by practicing the TM and TM-Sidhi program in large groups morning and evening. Their collective practice produces positive benefits for both themselves and their adversaries. Peaceful overtures increase from all sides.
Similar coherence-creating groups have been deployed in many war zones and conflict-prone areas with great success. Extensive scientific research indicates that when the square root of 1% of the population practices the advanced TM-Sidhi program in a group, a “field effect” is created.
Scientists call this field effect the “Maharishi Effect.” Many carefully controlled studies have documented and validated positive social trends such as reduced conflict and lowered crime rate resulting from the Maharishi Effect. These studies have been scrutinized and published in respected peer-reviewed journals such as Social Indicators Research, Journal of Conflict Resolution, Journal of Mind and Behavior and Journal of Crime and Justice.
This coherence-creating effect has also been documented on a global scale in a study published in the Journal of Offender Rehabilitation. When large assemblies of practitioners of the TM-Sidhi program exceeded the Maharishi Effect threshold for the world (about 7,000 at that time) during the years 1983-1985, international conflict decreased 32%, terrorist casualties decreased 72%, and violence was reduced in other nations without intrusion by other governments.
IDT is a force multiplier because it creates coherence for the entire military and the whole country, thus making everyone’s jobs easier. While
the majority of the military continues with the dynamic approach (weaponry, equipment, training), the minority implements the silent approach of Invincible Defense Technology. Defense of the nation is perfect, thus invincible, when both these approaches are combined.
The military of Nigeria cannot solve the problem of terrorism by standard military means alone. It also needs a silent approach that will help people focus more on peaceful means of settling differences. Nigeria needs to deploy Prevention Wings of the Military immediately to prevent terrorism, and achieve true invincibility and permanent peace. The authors urge Nigerian leaders to immediately adopt this evidence-based approach.
Major General (Ret.) Kulwant Singh, U.Y.S.M., Ph.D., leads an international group of generals and defense experts that advocates Invincible Defense Technology. He was awarded the Uttam Yudh Sewa Medal, the second highest
decoration for senior officers during operations in Sri Lanka as part of IPKF (Indian Peace Keeping Force).
David Leffler, Ph.D., is Executive Director of the Center for Advanced Military Science (CAMS). http://www.StrongMilitary.org
<http://www.strongmilitary.org/> . He served as an Associate of the Proteus Management Group at the Center for Strategic Leadership, US Army War College. Dr. Leffler is the author of “A New Role for the Military: Preventing Enemies from Arising - Reviving an Ancient Approach to Peace <http://www.davidleffler.com/preventing-enemies.html> .” He is on Twitter <http://www.twitter.com/drdavidleffler> .
Bishop Emeritus, Boniface Nyema Dalieh was truly a man of God - A testimonial
I was born and reared in Harper City, Maryland County. If you check the map of Liberia, geographically, Maryland is located in the keyhole, deep in the belly of the southeastern region. There I spent my formative days. Until I returned from outside Liberia, the things I saw and continue to see beat every inch of my imagination. That’s the bad part of my experience.
But there’s a good part.
Until now, when I returned home after being away for years, I will admit, I did not know much about my hometown and people as I know now. As a young man growing up in Maryland, there were lots of people that I didn’t know very well but left an impact and indelible print on my life. And the late Bishop Boniface Nyema Dalieh happened to be one of those people.
I didn’t know Bishop Dalieh when I was growing up. Maybe I did. But I don’t remember.
I can recall in Harper, a Liberian Catholic Bishop passed on; I thoght it was Bishop Juwle. We buried him in Harper City adjacent to The St. Theresa Cathedral on Maryland Avenue, right opposite the Catholic ballpark. As kids, we all were in the funeral procession in our school uniforms. Suddenly, for whatever reason (s), I lost touch with the Catholic Church in Harper. Not in a negative way; But I just didn’t follow up anything else about the Catholic Church and its administration.
I cannot explain why and how this happened. But it did!
On May 1, 2007, I touched ground in Liberia. I came from abroad. I had been away far too long traveling few countries around the globe and ending up in the United States of America.
While I was away, a civil war engulfed Liberia and caused so much damage to infrastructure and human resource. So upon my return, noticeably, things dramatically changed; the people and infrastructures were different. That made my work back home rather a whole new “ball game” forcing me to adopt and tailor my strategies to fit such reality.
Now, I can understand if Monrovia had dramatically changed. Because, whatever the changes were, would not and did not affect my psyche. Why? Because I wasn’t born and reared in Monrovia. But when I got home in Maryland (my hometown) where I was born and reared, the stark difference painfully hit me on the forehead. And it drove me nuts!
Most of my friends I grew up with left and traveled far away. So they were nowhere to be found. Others passed on. Those I met at home had terribly aged. And I was strangely dismayed. But all the same, I contained the shocked as it ran through my spinal cord. The shock penetrated the abyss of my soul. So I could not pretend that it did not hurt. So I accepted the condition and treated it with calm and understanding.
With all of these uninmaginable happenings around me, others like Mr. Pike Mike Jury, who shared my views, wanted us to bring back the “old” days and revive some of the things needed for renewal. So a county reunion idea clicked in and we embarked upon the implementation.
Prior to our work in this direction, series of attempts were made by other Marylanders before my arrival back home. And so, the idea wasn’t new, except that I introduced a new approach.
By getting involved in the reunion activities, I was able to come face-to-face with Bishop Dalieh for the very first time in my life.
And this is the essence of this testimonial.
When we formed The Reunion Committee, Bishop Dalieh became the Chair. He made me his secretary. The man (Bishop Dalieh) whose secretary I became was a religious man. Everyone including myself knew that. I, on the other hand, wasn’t much religious. No one knew that in Maryland at the time.
See, I am an unorthodox Christian. And that speaks volumes in Liberian reality. I talk Liberation Theology, which is not new to the Catholic Church. Because, there’s where it derived. Quickly, I think the Bishop figured all that out as an experienced man, well-learned and familiar with the different views of religion and made a quick shift after I authored my first letter to the public.
My first letter for the reunion was critical of the Maryland Legislative Caucus. Because, in my view, in order for us to begin to heal our wounds as a society, we needed to begin to provide justice to all. So, the letter placed a serious question mark on the integrity of the Maryland Legislative Caucus. Soon, Bishop instructed his views to be produced from his Catholic Diocese’s office instead of coming from me. I didn’t ask any question. I just adjusted myself. Because a man of his caliber needed to have someone who understood his philosophy in life and his work to author his views. I was not qualified in that strict sense. So I took on another responsibility mobilizing Marylanders in Monrovia and the Diaspora.
We all began working together. We tried hosting the first reunion, which would have been the third of Bishop’s participation; it did not succeed. We went after it again the following year. That year was my second attempt. It too partly succeeded. Soon we realized (I knew from the get-go) that the problem holding us back as a county had its genesis in the aucus. So every time we tried and tried limited lights came on in the tunnel. The lack of funding broke us apart. So each of us when our separate ways. But we kept the camaraderie alive.
Within this period of separation, Bishop and I came into a loggerhead position. I use “loggerhead” in this post not in a negative way. It is not the kind of “loggerhead” that makes Liberian hunt each other down fiercely. Ours was ideological and civil.
This is what happened:
As a social justice advocate, I organized nonviolent protest demonstrations and defiance campaigns in Maryland. And this was strange in Maryland especially so, when demonstrations caused too much infrastructural destruction. And nobody wanted to see that happening anymore. But I managed successfully that all of the demonstrations and campaigns I led did not degenerate into chaos. But all the same, coming out of the experience of generalized anarchy of violence, some people of Maryland were still scare to march in the streets protesting.
I quickly found out that Bishop did not like my style of advocacy at first. He never told me so. But knowing Liberian people as we all do, those he mentioned it to informed me. So I got the news from the grapevine. No harm meant! I knew that much!
For example, I advocated for the shipwreck victims. Tens and tens of women’s revenue and goods rest in the bottom of the Atlantic Ocean. Others lost their lives. I held the Liberian government responsible for allowing vessels that were not seaworthy plying our waters and killing our citizens and residents.
The process of advocacy lasted for three years. In the end, the Liberian government agreed with me and paid reparation to the victims.
Prior to that, I conducted a nonviolent peaceful demonstration and sit-in action with more than 10,000 men and women. We shut down the entire county for three unbroken days. UNMIL sea vessels were unable to dock. And this captured national and international headlines. President Sirleaf, via cell phone, called us asking us to discontinue the protest demonstration. We didn’t immediately disengage. So some of those who marched with us, including Bishop Dalieh, took on a different posture. Bishop then began to look at me negatively. He didn’t say this to me, personally. But at some point, he spoke with others in the community. And those he spoke with told me. But I ignored it. I didn’t ignore it in a disrespectful manner to the Bishop. But I had a job to do. The people were confiding in me and the protest demonstrations for the first time in Maryland were not degenerating into chaos; and the direct goals of reparations were being achieved.
As a man of God, I knew Bishop understood where I was coming from and where I was heading. But I think he was afraid of past mistakes being repeated. As an honorable man I couldn’t argue with him.
What made me see him more as a man of God is that Bishop agreed that Jesus set the example for servant ministry. And that in Jesus’ life and ministry, He gave priority to the least, the last, the lost and the left out. And that we as Christians would follow in His footsteps by serving the needs of people. I believe Bishop knew that the Holy Spirit equips us for service by giving us gifts for ministry and by giving us a passion for serving the needs of others. And so he (Bishop) live his life encouraging others to invest their lives in ministries of compassion and justice, moving towards God’s vision. When Bishop prayed for me at my residence, he prayed that our service that we have and continue to render to our fellow Brethren and Sistren will create a ripple of grace that touches and transforms people’s lives throughout our one world.
Without a doubt, Bishop understood all this better than I do. So I prayed and looked up to God for my help so that one day Bishop would get to know me better and understand what I stand for while he was alive.
God heard my prayer.
As a true man of God, Bishop, he did exactly what God asked him to – he visited with me. From that day, I received a new and powerful lesson to forge my future in my advocacy work.
Here’s how it happened:
One day, I came from Downtown Harper. Just as I got closed to my residence, Bishop was sitting at my next door neighbor’s place. I didn’t see him until he called my attention. When I looked in his direction, he told me that he had come to see me. Not that I didn’t believe him, but I was shocked. Why? Because I did not expect the Bishop to come to my residence to see me. I expected him to call me to come over to his office or house to see him. Not the other way around.
So I kept walking. Then he reechoed his call. Immediately, I had to stop. So I walked in his direction. Next thing I know, he was on his feet. He wasn’t sitting anymore. He took few baby-steps towards me. Mind you, Bishop was quite over the proverbial hill. I had to say something to him. I said, “Bishop, please wait for me, I’m coming to you.” He replied, “No, Bedell, I’m behind you. I’m coming upstairs to your apartment.” Judging from the many steps that one had to take to go upstairs my residence, I concluded that Bishop could not make it. Why? Because I thought he was an elderly man. And his knees were no longer stronger. But Bishop convinced me he could make it upstairs. And he did! He followed me. when I got up, I put my keys in the door and unlocked it. I stood right at the entrance and waited for Bishop. He slowly took one step at a time, soon he was upstairs. I showed him in and offered him a seat. And he sat down.
Then all began to unravel.
He first told me that Sen. Ballout had complained to him that I was not giving him (Ballout) support. And so he asked that I work with Sen. Ballout. It was a pure appeal that the Bishop offered me. So I did not ask him what exactly Sen. Ballout said about me. From the manner in which Bishop made the appeal and giving the fact that he climbed upstairs to speak with me, and he came all the way from his residence to my neck of the woods to see me, I knew he was very serious and he meant every word he spoke from his lips.
Without any hesitation, I did what he asked me: I immediately dialed Sen. Ballout’s cell phone digits and spoke with him. I told the Senator what had just transpired. It was spiritual! As such, I promised to work with him once he’s willing to do the same. I think Sen. Ballout agreed. And all was set. Bishop thanked me for listening to him and doing what he asked of me. I too thanked Bishop for coming over to see me and talk to me. I told him how surprised and shocked I was. And asked him to forgive me for walking away at first when he told me he was there to see me. We were done for the day. And Bishop got ready to depart my residence. I held one of his hands. He used the other hand to hold his cane. And down the stairs we went. Bishop got in his brand new truck; In Liberia they don’t say “truck” they say “Jeep” and pulled off.
I turned around to go back to my residence.
That’s when my eyes caught a good number of neighbors looking in my direction. I think they did so with apprehension. I think they were as surprise as I was. It seemed to me that those neighbors who were looking at me were either shocked to see the Bishop visit me or maybe they had other things running around their brains. Whatever the case was, I couldn’t say.
I walked through my door and took a seat in the living room just where Bishop and I were sitting and talking. Then I began to recollect and reflect. For a minute, it seemed to me that what had just happened was a dream. Imagine the Bishop Emeritus of The Catholic Diocese of Cape Palmas, who did not like my style of advocacy, came over at my residence to see me. Such a thought haunted me for the rest of the week until there was a replay of the same incident but for a different reason.
One week later, Bishop Dalieh came over again to see me. This time, I wasn’t shocked. I was mesmerized.
I was talking with friends in the yard when Bishop approached in his vehicle. I looked his way as if I were expecting him to visit with me. Then I saw him disembarked his vehicle. I tried to return to my conversation with my friends when I noticed something strange: the Bishop sternly looked at me. That look that came from the Bishop recaptured my attention. So I kept my eyes on him until I heard him say, “Mr. Bedell, I’m here to see you.” I rushed to him immediately. Then he said, “Let’s go upstairs.” Again, I thought of the many steps to go up to my flat where we earlier met. Slowly but surely, we got upstairs. He sat in the same seat he used the last time he was at my place. He probably loved that particular seat. I think because it was very soft and comfortable. The back of the sofa was turned towards the window facing the Atlantic Ocean. And there’s where the nice breeze came blowing from. Strategically, I used that particular seat because it faces the best part of my residence – the kitchen.
Then Bishop began to speak to me.
This time it was different. He frowned for a minute. I asked him why. He answered, “Bedell, my knees are not what they used to be.” In a minute, he was ok. He put up a smile. And I did too. Then he asked me to come closer. I did. He didn’t hesitate. He asked me if at all I heard anything he said about me. I didn’t want to say “yes.” So I said, “No.” Then he asked me to bow my head for a prayer. I did. He prayed and all was well. I was still wondering as to what was in the pipeline. But I kept hope alive.
It seemed like Bishop knew that I knew what he was about to tell me. Why? Because that’s what wisdom is all about. When you have lived long enough and passed through a whole lot of things that you learned from and you are a man of God like Bishop, you would know a lot of things especially, when someone is pretending, like I was doing.
Then he made his opening remarks.
He asked me to forgive him. I asked why. He told me it was something that he said about me when I newly came to Maryland that he should not have said. He told me what that was. It was all about my style of advocacy. Did I hear it? I answered in the affirmative. Because, truly, I heard it around town many times.
Why did I have to admit that to him so quickly? Simple!
Here is a man of God who has been around longer than me and probably my dad; he’s come to my residence to say something that probably troubled him for a while. Who am I then not to cooperate with him?
I had to cooperate.
I wanted to say to Bishop, forget. It’s ok. Then he said, “Let me finish.” I shut up immediately and waited for him to conclude. And when he did, I knelt before his Bishopship and apologized for anything I also may have done that may have troubled him. After that, he took me by the tip of my fingers and asked me to stand. I did. Then he prayed again and said, “Bedell, I have to leave. I am expecting an important call from abroad.” As I did previously when Bishop came to see me, I escorted him down the stairs and he departed.
I looked around again to see who was watching.
See, in Liberia, people poke their noses in other people’s business. So of course, some folks were watching again. This time, I just ignored them and walked in.
Few days later, Bishop was passing by in his vehicle ( he always went by my way almost every day to visit his sibling living around my area) when he saw me. He stopped and spoke with me briefly. Since that time, I have never had the opportunity to see Bishop nor talk with him again until I heard his knees were letting him down. Something inside me told me to go and find him. And I did.
See, where Bishop was living in Harper was a walking distance from me. But I got a ride to go and visit with him. When I got to his residence, I was told that he was asleep. So I couldn’t see him. But his staff assured me that they would inform him of my impromptu visit.
After I left his residence, I never saw or talk to Bishop Dalieh again until I heard that he had passed on in the United States of America. Indeed, his death news devastated me and broke my heart!
Right away, I began to reflect on his visits with me and the things he said to me. They were resounding in my head. So I bowed my head momentarily, not in prayer, but with a broken heart. Later on few tears dropped from my eyes. That was a sign of regret. Later on I raised my head and I said to myself, “Who knows better than God? Bishop’s death is God’s will. And as our Creator, His Will will always be done!” I had to accept the condition and reality that Bishop Boniface Nyema Dalieh had finally left us, permanently!
Indeed, Bishop Boniface Nyema Dalieh was truly a man of God. I know that! And I can testify!
The short time I got to know Bishop Nyema Dalieh, he impacted my life significantly. Some changes that have occurred in me are because of my meetings with him in a strange but divine way! For me not to make record of such a humongous and historic meeting will not be fair to him or I.
Our two meetings make my life not to be the same again. It’s better! I owe this to the late Bishop Emeritus of The Catholic Cape Palmas Diocese, The Right Reverend Honorable Boniface Nyema Dalieh!
May his soul and the souls of our dear departed rest in Perfect Peace, and Light Perpetual shine upon him!
Goodbye Bishop! And God be with you till we meet again!
T. Gbuo-Mle Bedell, a social justice advocate, works and speaks on the ground in Liberia, and a victim of police brutality. He can be reached at [email protected],[email protected], or at +231.886.920.151.
“You will remain in federal custody until your trial,” Judge tells Woewiyu
An eye witness account
Philadelphia, PA: May 16, 2014: Thomas Jucontee Woewiyu, Former Minister of Defense of Liberia’s most notorious rebel faction, National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL), appeared before a 3-federal judge panel with one judge leading the charge. Mr. Woewiyu was brought into the court while in the middle of another trial in an olive green jumpsuit.
Despite being restrained by handcuffs, Woewiyu made a grand entrance by bowing down to his family members and lawyer. His lawyer responded by waving back. Also in the court watching and following the proceedings was Ms. Massa Washington, former commissioner of the Liberia Truth and Reconciliation Commission,(TRC).
Ms. Washington, a recipient of the US State Department Women of Courage Award, now a leading advocate for the implementation of the recommendations of the final TRC report was deeply pleased to see one of the perpetrators in the blooded and senseless Liberian crisis being booked.
Within the first few seconds of his court entrance, Woewiyu appeared deeply depressed. However, seeing his family members, few friends and lawyer, unleashed in him a spirit of upbeat and smile as if to say he was telling his family and friends that within minutes they will all be together again. The hearing lasted between 20 to 25 minutes before the lead judge announced her decision. However, it was not before the opening statements of the prosecutor, the defense attorneys and their rebuttal statements.
It all began when the judge asked Mr. Woewiyu to stand up as the clerk of the court began reading to Mr. Woewiyu the list of charges leveled against him. Followed by the most familiar question always posed to any defendant. How do you plead? To which Mr. Woewiyu said; “Not guilty,” also as expected of most defendants. At that point, the judge made it clear to the court as to what was to transpire. She said this was an arraignment and pre-trial hearing to determine bail for the accused. She then requested a sidebar with both prosecuting and defense attorneys to resolve any outstanding issues; especially, to make sure that all were on the same page.
After the sidebar, with all lawyers seated, the judge called on the prosecuting attorney to make his opening statement. The prosecuting attorney began by re-enforcing the charges listed in the indictment, and then began to give justifications as to why Mr. Woewiyu must be denied bail. He listed several reasons, among which were the facts that Woewiyu has lied many times.
That Woewiyu has gone in and out of the United States about 38 times; from the year 2000-2014. In addition he crossed the US border into Canada and Mexico 5 times. He also added the fact that as early as his recent arrest Woewiyu failed to mention the fact that he was running for the Liberian senate, and currently owned property in Liberia.
The prosecutor then added a reason that sealed the fate of Mr. Woewiyu. He advised the court that Woewiyu was in possession of two passports, a Liberian passport, and a passport issued by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), to which the US Department of Homeland Security has advised that it cannot monitor. The US government does not have such control. According to the prosecutor, Woewiyu, even if he turn in all his passports could easily obtain emergency travel documents from any of the 16-member states of the ECOWAS with embassy near Washington, DC. And that the US will not be able to detect until was too late.
The defense lawyer on his part came up too weak, arguments were basic, too broad, lack specifics, and felt short of details. And lacks basic knowledge of Liberia or simply arrogance. The defense argument was that Woewiyu had strong community ties in the US. That he had property in the US, in which his wife and members of his family are living. He went on to say that Woewiyu had a son who was in the US navy, and said the senate race to which Woewiyu boasted that he was in the lead was a part time position that will enable Woewiyu to stay in the US during the time of his trial even if he wins.
In his rebuttal, the prosecutor unveiled an element that could be of concern to green cards holders and naturalized US citizens who seek elected offices in their country of origin. He said it was inconsistent with the terms of a US permanent residency to seek elected position in another country. Seeking an elected position in another country while a US permanent resident means you intend to be a permanent resident of that country. And the fact that Woewiyu is a US permanent resident seeking a senate seat in Liberia means he intends to live in Liberia permanently.
Which provides no incentives for him to return to the US to attend a trial, especially when the charges against him are time sensitive regarding the statue of limitations. The defense attempt to use “strong” community ties as a reason to convince the judge was debunked by the prosecutor , who said, with a property in Liberia, his family in the US could easily join him.
The prosecutor also advised the court that Mr.Woewiyu’s ties to the Liberian president was very strong. The prosecuted noted that Woewiyu was recently appointed by the president to the Board of the Liberian Forestry Development agency (FDA), an agency that now regulates the Liberian timber, a resource that was in the heart of the Liberian crisis. He also added that Woewiyu was linked to former Liberian ruler and convicted war crimes criminal Charles Taylor who is languishing behind bars on a British island. The prosecution then stressed that Woewiyu has lied many times; and said, anything he said now for bail will also be lies.
The defense attorney who appears to be oblivious to the fact that this case has international implications, treated it as a local case. Despite the fact that the prosecutor repeatedly linked the case to the Liberian crisis, telling the court of the horrors that included mass killings, raping and tortures, and BBC recordings of Tom Woewiyu in his capacity as NPFL spokesman and minister of defense, the defense only told the court that Liberia was a new nation that depends on the US for everything.
Implying that living conditions in Liberia were not right, as such, Woewiyu would rather stay in the US than in Liberia. With his head resting in his left palm, Woewiyu seems to be following every word of his bail hearing. Following the rebuttals of the prosecuting and defense attorneys, it was now the judge’s turn to make her decision if Woewiyu was to be free until his trial, or remain in federal custody until his trial.
With everyone fixated on the judge, she began by saying it was about ‘primal facial evidence,’ which was not available or presented during the hearing. But based on all that was said, she said that she has narrowed her decision to flight risk. Siding with the prosecuting attorney that Woewiyu, due to the many times he traveled in and out of the US, (38 times), poses a flight risk.
With that the judge turned to Woewiyu and told him his bail was being denied, and that he would remain in federal custody throughout his trial.
With that announcement from the judge, Liberians who were present in the court including Woewiyu’s family members and friends left the court room. The scene outside the court room was very sad, as family, some with tears in their eyes, began consoling one another as the realization begins to set in that they were going home without their loved one. Mr. Woewiyu could face jail time for the rest of his life at the age of 68.
As news of Woewiyu’s arrest unfolded, many of his supporters were in denial dismissing the gravity of the case to be only about falsifying documents and nothing else. Assuming this was the case, under federal sentencing guidelines, Tom Woewiyu would have obtained bail if this was his first offense, and the jail time of the charge was up to six months or less.
However, like the prosecutor repeatedly said, Woewiyu has falsified documents before, even up to the time of his recent arrest. In other words, this was not the first time he misrepresented the facts to federal authorities.
So for his friends and supporters to keep dismissing the importance and gravity of this arrest is simply being in denial. Chuckie Taylor, Charles Taylor’s son, arrested few years ago at the Miami Airport, was arrested for passport fraud. He was later convicted, among other things for torture, rape, etc, in Liberia. Chuckie Taylor is now serving a 90-year sentence. What court can sentence a person to 90 years just for passport fraud?
Patrick Nimely-Sie Tuon, an eye witness at the hearing, is General Coordinator, Liberia Human Rights Campaign. Mr. Tuon can be contacted at www.liberiahumanrightcampaign.org; or at 215-276-2408.
Ellen Johnson Sirleaf must address Woewiyu’s damaging allegations
From the Archives of The Liberian Dialogue
September 17, 2005
Jucontee Thomas Woewiyu is not the kind of source one would like to cite in any analysis or news story, because of his own checkered and troubled past.
Then again, Woewiyu’s bad boy image as a shameless profiteer and a master player who understands the game of manipulation and dirty tricks to achieve his goals, are enough reasons to find him to tell his side of the story.
Woewiyu, who can be both calculative and blind to his surroundings, and at times callous, does not pursue his objectives with the mindset of not hurting innocent people. However, as a dangerously shrewd insider, Woewiyu can be at his best like we saw during the Liberian civil war when he helped his pal, Taylor not to save Liberia but to reap the financial windfall from the civil war at the expense of the entire population.
However, if one ever wants to understand the genesis of the Liberian civil war, the roles of the key actors, the mysterious disappearance of Jackson F. Doe, Ellen’s abrupt resignation from the Liberian Action Party (LAP) to the Unity Party (UP), the brutal killings of the Dokies and Moses Duopu, and the financing of a war that sent over 200,000 Liberians to their graves and left many homeless, then one must briefly get over their hatred and hostility of Woewiyu and listen to his story as told in his “open letter to Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf.
Woewiyu’s story is a chronicled and explosive account of power, greed and the total disregard of human lives, the destruction of a country we called home, and the wanton killings of loved ones whose senseless deaths we are still mourning today, and just cannot forget.
While it is true that Jucontee Thomas Woewiyu is part and parcel of the chaos we associate with the civil war, he, like the other criminals he uncovered in his expose’ cannot and should not be exonerated from the holocaust-like treatment they handed out to Liberians through their actions.
If the accounts by Tom can be verified and corroborated by other sources, the individuals involved must be arrested and put on trial. And if they are convicted, they should be held accountable and put behind bars forever.
At the center of it all, of course, is presidential candidate Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, who apologized for not making the pointed remarks “Level Monrovia and we will build it.”
Ms. Sirleaf however, kept us in the dark about her pre-civil war activities, her dislike and intolerance of those she disagrees with, her financial contributions to her brainchild, the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL), and her die-hard support of Charles Taylor, all in the name of securing political power at any cost.
Tom Woewiyu’s open letter revealed that Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf fully supported, coordinated and participated in the civil war. And as leader of the pack, she contributed her personal finances towards the war planning, and received financial contributions from what he termed her “consortium.”
“Let me refresh your memory,” he writes “on the financial contributions from your sources. Twenty-five thousand dollars ($25,000.00) was the initial contribution by your consortium (Clarence Simpson and Taylor Major), when the war started. I am the founding Chairman of the Association for Constitutional Democracy in Liberia (ACDL).” “Let me not forget the $50,000.00 contribution that you passed through Mr. Allen Brown Sr. who was then running an insurance business in the Ivory Coast. You had earmarked the money specifically to buy rice for the fighting men and it was done.
Another $150,000.00 was contributed by some of your friends and delivered to Dew Mayson, Ethelbert Cooper and Emmanuel Shaw to be forwarded to the NPFL. If you recalled, those bad boys ate the money and we were only able to recover $75,000.00 of it six months later.”
“ My first trip to the Ivory Coast,” Woewiyu asserts, “to meet with Taylor, Harry Yuan, Moses Duopo and others to assess the level of military plan of action for the purpose of removing Doe was a major role.”
“At the time, you were personally supporting Harry Yuan in the rapid re-recruitment of his fellow Nimbaians and Clarence Simpson was supporting Moses Duopo, the late Counselor Gbaydiah and others in the Ivory Coast to launch another arm attack on the Doe regime following the botched Quinwonkpa coup,” he noted.
“ Woweiyu even went into details about how Ellen gave the orders to launch the “notorious Octopus” meant to wreak havoc and take Monrovia by force. Sadly, that bloody event was one of the deadliest military strikes on the city of Monrovia, giving credence to Ellen’s now famous “Level Monrovia and we will build it” comment.
With his first-hand detailed knowledge of events in the region during the time in question, I see no reason why Thomas Woweiyu should be making up things for the sake of making up things “only to hurt Ellen,” (as some would assert) who supposed to be this fearless heroine who wants to transformed Liberia into a shinning and prosperous country on the hill when she’s finally elected president.
What I learned from Woewiyu’s revelations about Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf is that she’s cold, feisty, dangerously cunning and ambitious, and like many Liberian politicians she craves presidential powers, and will not hesitate to go out of her way to do whatever it takes to win or seize state power. And if she cannot achieve that dream, there is nothing on earth that will prevent Ellen from pursuing her presidential aspirations.
I always believed Ellen Johnson Sirleaf was a force in a race where she’s the only well-known female candidate against a tide of powerful and culturally dominant men. With her international appeal and financial expertise, I concluded that she could be the medication the doctor prescribed for Liberia’s problems.
Ellen however has a lot of explanation to do from now on through Election Day, in calming down voters’ fears about her alleged bloody past. She cannot continue to dance around the issue by rudely shutting down her critics who have legitimate questions they want to ask a lady who wants to be President of Liberia.
Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf must work hard and answer those lingering questions succinctly, with the hopes of convincing and instilling confidence in those who would like to vote for her, and those who haven’t made up their minds yet.
With the explosive revelations all over the place in less than a month to the actual general and presidential elections, it will be a tough sell, of course, for Ellen and her camp to convince those on the sidelines who haven’t made up their minds yet to vote for her come October 11.
Is Ellen a Teflon candidate? Only time will tell.
(Woewiyu's) An open letter to Madam Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf
(From the Archives of The Liberian Dialogue)
Thursday, September 15, 2005
Editor’s Note:
In the wake of Jucontee Thomas Woewiyu’s recent arrest by US authorities for his involvement in the Liberian civil war, coupled with other charges, we’ve decided to carry verbatim his 2005 letter to Ellen Johnson Sirleaf chronicling her deep involvement in the Liberian civil war.
An open letter to Madam Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf 
By Jucontee Thomas Woewiyu
Dear Madam Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf:
The Rest of Your Apologies
I write this letter to first compliment you for finally mustering the courage to apologize to the Liberian people for the callous and deadly statement you made on the BBC in 1990 while prosecuting the second and Taylor led version of NPFL wars. You said “Level Monrovia, we will rebuild it,” and not “Level the Executive Mansion” as contained in your statement of apology. As you said, you regret making what you now term as a “stupid comment.” If you truly regret making a statement that resulted in the death of thousands of your fellow countrymen and women, why replace it now with a false one?
I am also writing this letter to refresh your memory about other reckless and deadly statements you made in the past that must be included in your apology if you are honest in seeking forgiveness from the Liberian People whom you are also seeking to rule.
Your Level of Involvement
First, let us clarify the matter of what level of involvement and part you played in the founding of the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) and the prosecution of its wars: The Quinwonkpa failed coupe in 1985 and the version led by Charles Taylor which started in December of 1989. As you know, the NPFL organization was the same but operated with different foot soldiers in each version under your stewardship as we will see later on in this letter.
Your position in that organization, especially the Taylor version, was not as petit and as limited as you continue to describe it to have been. “Level Monrovia we will rebuild it” could have only come from the real Head of State and Commander-in-Chief whose Army was the NPFL as you saw yourself. You issued the order, and it was executed. It included the notorious Octopus, which finally wrecked Monrovia. Fifteen years have gone by and Monrovia is still without water and electricity. During the course of this period, you were the second most powerful person in the United Nations Development Program (UNDP); but zero came to Liberia by way of your influence. You even undermined the promotion and employment of qualified Liberians in that UN organization during your tenure. For now, I will leave your UN record to speak for itself.
Preparation for Invasion
My first trip to the Ivory Coast to meet with Charles Taylor, Harry Yuan, Moses Duopu and others to assess the level of military plan of action for the purpose of removing Doe was sponsored by you and others in the wake of the failed Quinwonkpa coupe in which you played a major role. At the time, you were personally supporting Harry Yuan in the rapid re-recruitment of his fellow Nimbaians and Clarence Simpson was supporting Moses Duopu, the late Counselor Gbaydiah and others in the Ivory Cost to launch another arm attack on the Doe Regime following the botched Quinwonkpa coupe.
If you can recall, after my visit, to the Ivory Coast, the three men split up in search of a possible training base and support. Duopu went to Nigeria, Harry Nyan went to Senegal and Taylor went to Burkina Faso. It was Taylor who first found the possible avenue to accomplish the mission.
With your knowledge and support I again went to Burkina Faso to ascertain the truth to Taylor’s claim that he had found the ultimate opportunity to train men for another attempt to remove the Doe Regime by force of arm. The sponsors, especially Thomas Sankara, wanted to know that there was a political support for an arm rebellion by civilians to remove the Samuel Doe’s military junta. With your knowledge and consent, I gave the sponsors the assurance they needed to kick off the process of recruitment and training.
Upon my arrival back in the United States, I went straight to your sister’s house on Long Island where you were living. While we were discussing the issue of Taylor leading this round of arm rebellion, Byron Tarr arrived. When you told him what you were putting Taylor up to, he was totally opposed on the ground that Taylor was corrupt. He gave in only when you asked him if he had any other viable alternative, given that you people had tried more than 10 times to get rid of Doe but failed.
The Libyan Connection
You accepted and agreed to create a political alliance to replace the junta. Since you could not go to Tripoli, Libya, during the training of the men and the planning stage, you appointed a Special Envoy, Mr. Harry A. Greaves Jr. For reasons not necessary to be stated here neither you nor Mr. Greaves ever went to Tripoli but you stayed abreast of the progress of the training until it was completed.
Following the training of the men and while they were waiting in the Diaspora you and I met with Taylor in Paris where you promised to arranged for a ship to drop the men in Liberian waters from the Sierra Leone side. There was also talk about you arranging with President Momo of Sierra Leone for the offensive to be launched from Sherbro Island. I believe, relying on that, Taylor went to Sierra Leone to follow up and he wound up in jail. What a way to treat your General.
Major’s Involvement
At the beginning of the war, a meeting of all the political stakeholders was held in the home of Mr. Taylor Major, Virginia, USA, in February or March of 1990. We demanded the meeting because we suspected that you were holding back from the other politicians as to the political alliance that was expected to be formed by you as was agreed upon in the beginning. At that meeting, Dr. Sawyer and others were surprised and angry because you had kept them in the dark for more than two year. Dr. Sawyer was particularly angry and vocal. Following a long hectic discourse from the beginning of the meeting, it was grudgingly agreed by the participants that the Alliance would take form and provide the political plan of action to be put in place when the regime was deposed.
But we discovered later on that the political alliance never took form because of your personal ambition to directly assume power when the regime was removed. Following that meeting at the home of Taylor Major in Virginia, USA, you invited me to another meeting with Clarence Simpson and Taylor Major in the home of the late Mr. Chris Maxwell. We spent the whole night with the four of you trying to convince me to agree that we should forget about the alliance idea and let the government be given to the Liberian Action Party because the party won the 1985 elections. I said it was a very bad idea. I maintained that these were the very types of maneuvers that always destroyed all of our efforts in the past.
A Secret Meeting with Charles Taylor, and Jackson F. Doe’s Disappearance
A few months after the meeting in Virginia, in my absence, you went to the war front at Gborplay, Nimba County, where the NPFL still had its headquarters and told Charles Taylor and other leaders of the organization that you and I had agreed that the government would be given to Liberian Action Party once the Doe regime was deposed. Upon my arrival at that forest headquarters, I was confronted with a Court Marshall of a life threatening nature for supposedly selling out the revolution in advance while others were still fighting and dying. Only God and my friendship with Taylor saved me. I was able to walk away with my life.
I have always wondered as to what this careless and selfish statement of yours had to do with how Jackson Doe ended up when he crossed over to NPFL land. Did those people see Jackson Doe as the LAP you wanted the government turned over to? How come Jackson Doe’s disappearance was never really a big concern of yours until lately? When Jackson Doe crossed over from Fendell to Kakata in mid 1990, I was in Sierra Leone at a peace conference. Taylor told me it was a big day of jubilation in Greater Liberia. To let you know he was well; that he had been given a nice and fitting home in Buchanan. A month or so later, Jackson could not be found. I did not hear of your outrage as you were in the “Level Monrovia, we will rebuild it” mode. Say something to the Jackson F. Doe family.
Your break from the NPFL was not so much on account of what happened to your colleagues as you claim. You know, I know, and some of your people know that it was about your determination to take power directly from the war front. By late 1990, the NPFL controlled 90% of Liberia. At one of the peace talks in Sierra Leone, it was agreed by all the politicians and an agreement was signed that the NPFL should form an Interim Government and call for elections as soon as possible. The only exception was that Taylor should not lead that Interim Government; that he should run for President if he wanted to. Taylor asked me to go to Washington and convince you for us to convene an All Liberian Conference in Greater Liberia to determine the issue of who should head the next government. I spent a week in Washington. You invited several persons to that meeting. They included Dr. Gaywhea Macintosh, Dr. Edward Clinton, and Dr. Byron Tarr who was then working in Lesotho. Doctors Clinton and Macintosh and I made it to the Ivory Coast in anticipation of your arrival for us to proceed to Liberia.
A Double Crossing and Back Scratching
While waiting for your arrival in the Ivory Coast, you called to say that the venue of the meeting had been changed to Banjul, The Gambia. I found out later that after I left, you had another meeting with some people including Randall Cooper who then represented the NPFL in the U.S. at the home of Ethelbert Cooper. At that gathering you masterminded a petition to President Jarwara of The Gambia to host the meeting. Randall, not realizing that this was a double cross, signed the document on behalf of the NPFL.
Dr. Gaywhea, Clinton and I advised that you come with us to meet with Taylor and the men so that we could convince them to move the meeting to Banjul since you said this was what the African Leaders wanted. You refused. In anger, Dr. Gaywhea continued his journey to Greater Liberia and helped to form the National Patriotic Reconstruction Government, and Clinton returned to Ethiopia. You thought that the Banjul meeting would have given the government to you as the sole heir of Liberian Action Party. When it did not appear likely, you decided to skip the meeting.
From a distance in Washington, D.C., you did the next best thing which was to maneuver to give the interim leadership to “Moose,” Amos Sawyer. Liberians say, “You scratch my back I will scratch your back.” It should not be a surprise that Moose is scratching your back today with his support for your presidency despite your history.
Your Financial Contributions to the War Efforts
Let me refresh your memory on the financial contributions to the Taylor war efforts from you and your sources. Twenty-five thousand dollars ($25,000.00) was the initial amount by your consortium (Clarence Simpson and Taylor Major), when the war started. I am the founding Chairman of the Association for Constitutional Democracy of Liberia (ACDL).
I do not recall any of the two persons named above being members. I do not also remember any money coming to the NPFL from ACDL. What I recall is that you asked me to let Dr. Sawyer take over ACDL so that he could revive it since he was doing nothing. I did. Yet, you keep saying that you and some ACDL friends made a $10,000.00 contribution to the NPFL. Come to think about it, maybe the $10,000.00 you gave one time came from ACDL. That says even what became the Doctor’s Club also supported your NPFL war efforts.
Let me not forget the $50,000.00 contribution that you passed through Mr. Allen Brown Sr. who was then running an insurance business in the Ivory Coast. You had earmarked the money to specifically buy rice for the fighting men and it was done. Another $150.000.00 was contributed by some of your friends and delivered to Dew Mayson, Ethelbert Cooper and Emmanuel Shaw to be forwarded to the NPFL. If you recall, those bad boys ate the money and we were only able to recover $75,000.00 of it six months later. Needless to mention your other undocumented financial and personal contributions made before and during the wars. The trip to Paris by you and me to meet with Charles Taylor must have cost you a pretty penny. Several trips you made to the Liberian boarder to meet with Taylor and the fighting men should add up to a substantial sum.
Monies you gave Taylor in Paris and on each of the trips you made to the frontline should also be far substantial. A conservative estimate of your contribution to the NPFL should be about half of million United States dollars. How you managed to reduced that to $10,000.00 is perhaps one of you “stupid comments,” but I hope that this letter clears it up for the public.
Other Overdue Apologies
The account of events above should clarify your involvement and contribution to the two NPFL wars. The following are other events that involved a series of your “callous and stupid comments” and behavior that you must include in your apology to your fellow Liberians if you wish to be taken seriously:
” Between 1983 and 1987, I was President of the Union of Liberian Associations in the Americas (ULAA); 1988-1990 I was Chairman of the Board of ULAA. It was I who invited you to Philadelphia to deliver the keynote address during our annual conference in 1984 when you called the President and officials of Government in the Doe regime a bunch of “fools and idiots”; another one of your series of “stupid comments.” With a Harvard degree, I am sure you could have said the same thing without using those street words to make the point. Liberians should be able to recall the financial, emotional and human lives it cost to free you from that lion’s den. Say sorry.
” In an effort to get you out of the country following the court proceeding against you for the “fools and idiots” comment, friends and supporters of yours arranged your secret exit out of Buchanan. In the process, the immigration officer named Jackson who assisted you to leave through Buchanan killed himself so as to avoid the cruel death that awaited him at the hands of the Doe death squad. Have you ever met to console the family of that poor man who gave his life for you? To this day, more than 20 years later, you have not shown any appreciation for his ultimate sacrifice. Something as simple as looking for his wife and children and consoling them would have gone a long way. Very costly, stupid and inhumane behavior. Say sorry.
” In 1985 or so, the Massachusetts Chapter of ULAA under the leadership of Mr. John Grupee arranged a rally and meeting at Northeastern University. I, along with other officials of ULAA and the Liberian Community around the United States, attended that conference to hear our most famous lady speak. During the question and answer period of the program, a young man made a brief statement and asked a question which went like this: “Mrs. Johnson-Sirleaf, no station is permanent in life. I used to be a wheelbarrow boy in Liberia and today, I am graduating from Northeastern University this summer.
“When you were Minister of Finance, we wrote you a letter and you stamped it ‘BULLSHIT!’ and sent it back to us. When you become President,” the fellow continued, “would you tolerate the views of others without calling them bullshit?” The fellow asked. To my and the dismay of the entire audience, your answer was, “Yes, when I was Minister of Finance, I had a stamp which had BULLSHIT on it. During that time, if someone sent me some communication I did not like, I would stamp it ‘BULLSHIT’ and send it back to them.”
In fact, someone told me recently that you also sent such a stamped letter to Baccus Mathews back then. Is there any amount of apology that you can give to your fellow citizens for such an insulting and demoralizing treatment? You need to honestly apologize to the wheelbarrow boys and to all of your fellow citizens whom you insulted with your “BULLSHIT” stamp.
” Immediately following the 1997 elections you declared your intentions not to recognize President Charles Taylor and in a childish-tantrum manner you ran out of the country, in President Taylor words, “like a cut tail dog” leaving the thousands who had risked their lives to campaign and vote for you to fend for their lives. You cut speech from those of your partisans who made it to the National Legislature because they refused to boycott the government to which they were elected by their people in defiance of your childish demand. Apologize to them and your fellow Liberians for such uncivilized behavior. Promise your current supporters that you will not run away again when you lose this election, which is sure.
” Samuel Dokie was one of your ardent supporters during the 1997 elections. In the face of the adversity between him and his former rebel comrade, Charles Taylor, he called you “a God sent leader.” Dokie and his entire family didn’t make it after you ran and left him holding the bag. A few weeks before Dokie and his family were wiped out, Taylor was making a joke in his innermost circle that you had abandoned Dokie; that you accused Dokie of embezzling your campaign funds in Nimba; that you were complaining about Dokie personally eating the cow that you gave him for your arrival feast in Sanniquelle instead of cooking it for the feast. All of this pointed to Dokie’s enemies that they didn’t expect any problem from you for whatever they did to him. Sure enough, when Dokie and his entire family were brutally murdered, the silence from you was as expected. It took more than 30 days before your party put out a one-paragraph statement on the Dokie murder. Say sorry to the Dokie family for selling him out with your cow meat talk.
” Do you remember another Nimba man you sent to his untimely death? In 1985 or so, you had been safely evacuated to the United States following your trial for calling General Samuel Doe and his government officials a bunch of “fools and idiots.” During one of our many meetings, you mentioned to me that General Quinwonkpa wanted to see and confer with me concerning an up coming mission he was being asked to make. You said that apparently the General needed my blessing. At that time the General lived somewhere in the Washington, D.C., area of the United State after also been rescued from the ravage of the Doe regime. I asked you as to what the mission was about. You said “The boys have been working on a fool-proof program to remove Doe through a ‘surgical military operation.’ Men have been trained in Sierra Leone and are in waiting.” You said further that “The only problem is that the boys do not have a popular figure to lead the incursion for the acceptability of the military guys in Monrovia.
“They have asked me to convince General Quinwonkpa to lead the incursion,” you said. I also asked you for the names of some of the players behind the plan. You said ‘Moose’ (Amos Sawyer) Boima [Fahnbulleh Jr.] and others.” For reasons that have no bearing on this letter, my first reaction was that I had nothing to say to the General. I told you that I thought the General should enjoy the hospitality of his host whose kindness landed him in the United States. That was the end of that discussion.
I challenge you therefore, Mrs. Sirleaf, to pick up the Holy Bible and swear that you and I never had the conversation as outlined above. You sent Quinwonkpa anyway. Needless to deal with the reasons while the mission failed because it boils down to the same double crossing syndrome. It suffices to say that 20 years later his wife is looking for answers for what happened to her children’s father from the mission on which you sent him. They had made it to the great United States where you got your Harvard degree, but you sent him back in the fire to fetch you power. Don’t you think you owe his poor widow and children an apology? I know you do. Say I’m sorry, Mrs. Quinwonkpa!
I truly hope that the factual and historical events I have outlined in this letter will help to jar your memory so that you can do the right thing - tell the truth.
Sincerely,
Jucontee Thomas Woewiyu
August 30, 2005
(Woewiyu’s) An open letter to Madam Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf
(From the Archives of The Liberian Dialogue)
Thursday, September 15, 2005
Editor’s Note:
In the wake of Jucontee Thomas Woewiyu’s recent arrest by US authorities for his involvement in the Liberian civil war, coupled with other charges, we’ve decided to carry verbatim his 2005 letter to Ellen Johnson Sirleaf chronicling her deep involvement in the Liberian civil war.
An open letter to Madam Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf 
By Jucontee Thomas Woewiyu
Dear Madam Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf:
The Rest of Your Apologies
I write this letter to first compliment you for finally mustering the courage to apologize to the Liberian people for the callous and deadly statement you made on the BBC in 1990 while prosecuting the second and Taylor led version of NPFL wars. You said “Level Monrovia, we will rebuild it,” and not “Level the Executive Mansion” as contained in your statement of apology. As you said, you regret making what you now term as a “stupid comment.” If you truly regret making a statement that resulted in the death of thousands of your fellow countrymen and women, why replace it now with a false one?
I am also writing this letter to refresh your memory about other reckless and deadly statements you made in the past that must be included in your apology if you are honest in seeking forgiveness from the Liberian People whom you are also seeking to rule.
Your Level of Involvement
First, let us clarify the matter of what level of involvement and part you played in the founding of the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) and the prosecution of its wars: The Quinwonkpa failed coupe in 1985 and the version led by Charles Taylor which started in December of 1989. As you know, the NPFL organization was the same but operated with different foot soldiers in each version under your stewardship as we will see later on in this letter.
Your position in that organization, especially the Taylor version, was not as petit and as limited as you continue to describe it to have been. “Level Monrovia we will rebuild it” could have only come from the real Head of State and Commander-in-Chief whose Army was the NPFL as you saw yourself. You issued the order, and it was executed. It included the notorious Octopus, which finally wrecked Monrovia. Fifteen years have gone by and Monrovia is still without water and electricity. During the course of this period, you were the second most powerful person in the United Nations Development Program (UNDP); but zero came to Liberia by way of your influence. You even undermined the promotion and employment of qualified Liberians in that UN organization during your tenure. For now, I will leave your UN record to speak for itself.
Preparation for Invasion
My first trip to the Ivory Coast to meet with Charles Taylor, Harry Yuan, Moses Duopu and others to assess the level of military plan of action for the purpose of removing Doe was sponsored by you and others in the wake of the failed Quinwonkpa coupe in which you played a major role. At the time, you were personally supporting Harry Yuan in the rapid re-recruitment of his fellow Nimbaians and Clarence Simpson was supporting Moses Duopu, the late Counselor Gbaydiah and others in the Ivory Cost to launch another arm attack on the Doe Regime following the botched Quinwonkpa coupe.
If you can recall, after my visit, to the Ivory Coast, the three men split up in search of a possible training base and support. Duopu went to Nigeria, Harry Nyan went to Senegal and Taylor went to Burkina Faso. It was Taylor who first found the possible avenue to accomplish the mission.
With your knowledge and support I again went to Burkina Faso to ascertain the truth to Taylor’s claim that he had found the ultimate opportunity to train men for another attempt to remove the Doe Regime by force of arm. The sponsors, especially Thomas Sankara, wanted to know that there was a political support for an arm rebellion by civilians to remove the Samuel Doe’s military junta. With your knowledge and consent, I gave the sponsors the assurance they needed to kick off the process of recruitment and training.
Upon my arrival back in the United States, I went straight to your sister’s house on Long Island where you were living. While we were discussing the issue of Taylor leading this round of arm rebellion, Byron Tarr arrived. When you told him what you were putting Taylor up to, he was totally opposed on the ground that Taylor was corrupt. He gave in only when you asked him if he had any other viable alternative, given that you people had tried more than 10 times to get rid of Doe but failed.
The Libyan Connection
You accepted and agreed to create a political alliance to replace the junta. Since you could not go to Tripoli, Libya, during the training of the men and the planning stage, you appointed a Special Envoy, Mr. Harry A. Greaves Jr. For reasons not necessary to be stated here neither you nor Mr. Greaves ever went to Tripoli but you stayed abreast of the progress of the training until it was completed.
Following the training of the men and while they were waiting in the Diaspora you and I met with Taylor in Paris where you promised to arranged for a ship to drop the men in Liberian waters from the Sierra Leone side. There was also talk about you arranging with President Momo of Sierra Leone for the offensive to be launched from Sherbro Island. I believe, relying on that, Taylor went to Sierra Leone to follow up and he wound up in jail. What a way to treat your General.
Major’s Involvement
At the beginning of the war, a meeting of all the political stakeholders was held in the home of Mr. Taylor Major, Virginia, USA, in February or March of 1990. We demanded the meeting because we suspected that you were holding back from the other politicians as to the political alliance that was expected to be formed by you as was agreed upon in the beginning. At that meeting, Dr. Sawyer and others were surprised and angry because you had kept them in the dark for more than two year. Dr. Sawyer was particularly angry and vocal. Following a long hectic discourse from the beginning of the meeting, it was grudgingly agreed by the participants that the Alliance would take form and provide the political plan of action to be put in place when the regime was deposed.
But we discovered later on that the political alliance never took form because of your personal ambition to directly assume power when the regime was removed. Following that meeting at the home of Taylor Major in Virginia, USA, you invited me to another meeting with Clarence Simpson and Taylor Major in the home of the late Mr. Chris Maxwell. We spent the whole night with the four of you trying to convince me to agree that we should forget about the alliance idea and let the government be given to the Liberian Action Party because the party won the 1985 elections. I said it was a very bad idea. I maintained that these were the very types of maneuvers that always destroyed all of our efforts in the past.
A Secret Meeting with Charles Taylor, and Jackson F. Doe’s Disappearance
A few months after the meeting in Virginia, in my absence, you went to the war front at Gborplay, Nimba County, where the NPFL still had its headquarters and told Charles Taylor and other leaders of the organization that you and I had agreed that the government would be given to Liberian Action Party once the Doe regime was deposed. Upon my arrival at that forest headquarters, I was confronted with a Court Marshall of a life threatening nature for supposedly selling out the revolution in advance while others were still fighting and dying. Only God and my friendship with Taylor saved me. I was able to walk away with my life.
I have always wondered as to what this careless and selfish statement of yours had to do with how Jackson Doe ended up when he crossed over to NPFL land. Did those people see Jackson Doe as the LAP you wanted the government turned over to? How come Jackson Doe’s disappearance was never really a big concern of yours until lately? When Jackson Doe crossed over from Fendell to Kakata in mid 1990, I was in Sierra Leone at a peace conference. Taylor told me it was a big day of jubilation in Greater Liberia. To let you know he was well; that he had been given a nice and fitting home in Buchanan. A month or so later, Jackson could not be found. I did not hear of your outrage as you were in the “Level Monrovia, we will rebuild it” mode. Say something to the Jackson F. Doe family.
Your break from the NPFL was not so much on account of what happened to your colleagues as you claim. You know, I know, and some of your people know that it was about your determination to take power directly from the war front. By late 1990, the NPFL controlled 90% of Liberia. At one of the peace talks in Sierra Leone, it was agreed by all the politicians and an agreement was signed that the NPFL should form an Interim Government and call for elections as soon as possible. The only exception was that Taylor should not lead that Interim Government; that he should run for President if he wanted to. Taylor asked me to go to Washington and convince you for us to convene an All Liberian Conference in Greater Liberia to determine the issue of who should head the next government. I spent a week in Washington. You invited several persons to that meeting. They included Dr. Gaywhea Macintosh, Dr. Edward Clinton, and Dr. Byron Tarr who was then working in Lesotho. Doctors Clinton and Macintosh and I made it to the Ivory Coast in anticipation of your arrival for us to proceed to Liberia.
A Double Crossing and Back Scratching
While waiting for your arrival in the Ivory Coast, you called to say that the venue of the meeting had been changed to Banjul, The Gambia. I found out later that after I left, you had another meeting with some people including Randall Cooper who then represented the NPFL in the U.S. at the home of Ethelbert Cooper. At that gathering you masterminded a petition to President Jarwara of The Gambia to host the meeting. Randall, not realizing that this was a double cross, signed the document on behalf of the NPFL.
Dr. Gaywhea, Clinton and I advised that you come with us to meet with Taylor and the men so that we could convince them to move the meeting to Banjul since you said this was what the African Leaders wanted. You refused. In anger, Dr. Gaywhea continued his journey to Greater Liberia and helped to form the National Patriotic Reconstruction Government, and Clinton returned to Ethiopia. You thought that the Banjul meeting would have given the government to you as the sole heir of Liberian Action Party. When it did not appear likely, you decided to skip the meeting.
From a distance in Washington, D.C., you did the next best thing which was to maneuver to give the interim leadership to “Moose,” Amos Sawyer. Liberians say, “You scratch my back I will scratch your back.” It should not be a surprise that Moose is scratching your back today with his support for your presidency despite your history.
Your Financial Contributions to the War Efforts
Let me refresh your memory on the financial contributions to the Taylor war efforts from you and your sources. Twenty-five thousand dollars ($25,000.00) was the initial amount by your consortium (Clarence Simpson and Taylor Major), when the war started. I am the founding Chairman of the Association for Constitutional Democracy of Liberia (ACDL).
I do not recall any of the two persons named above being members. I do not also remember any money coming to the NPFL from ACDL. What I recall is that you asked me to let Dr. Sawyer take over ACDL so that he could revive it since he was doing nothing. I did. Yet, you keep saying that you and some ACDL friends made a $10,000.00 contribution to the NPFL. Come to think about it, maybe the $10,000.00 you gave one time came from ACDL. That says even what became the Doctor’s Club also supported your NPFL war efforts.
Let me not forget the $50,000.00 contribution that you passed through Mr. Allen Brown Sr. who was then running an insurance business in the Ivory Coast. You had earmarked the money to specifically buy rice for the fighting men and it was done. Another $150.000.00 was contributed by some of your friends and delivered to Dew Mayson, Ethelbert Cooper and Emmanuel Shaw to be forwarded to the NPFL. If you recall, those bad boys ate the money and we were only able to recover $75,000.00 of it six months later. Needless to mention your other undocumented financial and personal contributions made before and during the wars. The trip to Paris by you and me to meet with Charles Taylor must have cost you a pretty penny. Several trips you made to the Liberian boarder to meet with Taylor and the fighting men should add up to a substantial sum.
Monies you gave Taylor in Paris and on each of the trips you made to the frontline should also be far substantial. A conservative estimate of your contribution to the NPFL should be about half of million United States dollars. How you managed to reduced that to $10,000.00 is perhaps one of you “stupid comments,” but I hope that this letter clears it up for the public.
Other Overdue Apologies
The account of events above should clarify your involvement and contribution to the two NPFL wars. The following are other events that involved a series of your “callous and stupid comments” and behavior that you must include in your apology to your fellow Liberians if you wish to be taken seriously:
” Between 1983 and 1987, I was President of the Union of Liberian Associations in the Americas (ULAA); 1988-1990 I was Chairman of the Board of ULAA. It was I who invited you to Philadelphia to deliver the keynote address during our annual conference in 1984 when you called the President and officials of Government in the Doe regime a bunch of “fools and idiots”; another one of your series of “stupid comments.” With a Harvard degree, I am sure you could have said the same thing without using those street words to make the point. Liberians should be able to recall the financial, emotional and human lives it cost to free you from that lion’s den. Say sorry.
” In an effort to get you out of the country following the court proceeding against you for the “fools and idiots” comment, friends and supporters of yours arranged your secret exit out of Buchanan. In the process, the immigration officer named Jackson who assisted you to leave through Buchanan killed himself so as to avoid the cruel death that awaited him at the hands of the Doe death squad. Have you ever met to console the family of that poor man who gave his life for you? To this day, more than 20 years later, you have not shown any appreciation for his ultimate sacrifice. Something as simple as looking for his wife and children and consoling them would have gone a long way. Very costly, stupid and inhumane behavior. Say sorry.
” In 1985 or so, the Massachusetts Chapter of ULAA under the leadership of Mr. John Grupee arranged a rally and meeting at Northeastern University. I, along with other officials of ULAA and the Liberian Community around the United States, attended that conference to hear our most famous lady speak. During the question and answer period of the program, a young man made a brief statement and asked a question which went like this: “Mrs. Johnson-Sirleaf, no station is permanent in life. I used to be a wheelbarrow boy in Liberia and today, I am graduating from Northeastern University this summer.
“When you were Minister of Finance, we wrote you a letter and you stamped it ‘BULLSHIT!’ and sent it back to us. When you become President,” the fellow continued, “would you tolerate the views of others without calling them bullshit?” The fellow asked. To my and the dismay of the entire audience, your answer was, “Yes, when I was Minister of Finance, I had a stamp which had BULLSHIT on it. During that time, if someone sent me some communication I did not like, I would stamp it ‘BULLSHIT’ and send it back to them.”
In fact, someone told me recently that you also sent such a stamped letter to Baccus Mathews back then. Is there any amount of apology that you can give to your fellow citizens for such an insulting and demoralizing treatment? You need to honestly apologize to the wheelbarrow boys and to all of your fellow citizens whom you insulted with your “BULLSHIT” stamp.
” Immediately following the 1997 elections you declared your intentions not to recognize President Charles Taylor and in a childish-tantrum manner you ran out of the country, in President Taylor words, “like a cut tail dog” leaving the thousands who had risked their lives to campaign and vote for you to fend for their lives. You cut speech from those of your partisans who made it to the National Legislature because they refused to boycott the government to which they were elected by their people in defiance of your childish demand. Apologize to them and your fellow Liberians for such uncivilized behavior. Promise your current supporters that you will not run away again when you lose this election, which is sure.
” Samuel Dokie was one of your ardent supporters during the 1997 elections. In the face of the adversity between him and his former rebel comrade, Charles Taylor, he called you “a God sent leader.” Dokie and his entire family didn’t make it after you ran and left him holding the bag. A few weeks before Dokie and his family were wiped out, Taylor was making a joke in his innermost circle that you had abandoned Dokie; that you accused Dokie of embezzling your campaign funds in Nimba; that you were complaining about Dokie personally eating the cow that you gave him for your arrival feast in Sanniquelle instead of cooking it for the feast. All of this pointed to Dokie’s enemies that they didn’t expect any problem from you for whatever they did to him. Sure enough, when Dokie and his entire family were brutally murdered, the silence from you was as expected. It took more than 30 days before your party put out a one-paragraph statement on the Dokie murder. Say sorry to the Dokie family for selling him out with your cow meat talk.
” Do you remember another Nimba man you sent to his untimely death? In 1985 or so, you had been safely evacuated to the United States following your trial for calling General Samuel Doe and his government officials a bunch of “fools and idiots.” During one of our many meetings, you mentioned to me that General Quinwonkpa wanted to see and confer with me concerning an up coming mission he was being asked to make. You said that apparently the General needed my blessing. At that time the General lived somewhere in the Washington, D.C., area of the United State after also been rescued from the ravage of the Doe regime. I asked you as to what the mission was about. You said “The boys have been working on a fool-proof program to remove Doe through a ‘surgical military operation.’ Men have been trained in Sierra Leone and are in waiting.” You said further that “The only problem is that the boys do not have a popular figure to lead the incursion for the acceptability of the military guys in Monrovia.
“They have asked me to convince General Quinwonkpa to lead the incursion,” you said. I also asked you for the names of some of the players behind the plan. You said ‘Moose’ (Amos Sawyer) Boima [Fahnbulleh Jr.] and others.” For reasons that have no bearing on this letter, my first reaction was that I had nothing to say to the General. I told you that I thought the General should enjoy the hospitality of his host whose kindness landed him in the United States. That was the end of that discussion.
I challenge you therefore, Mrs. Sirleaf, to pick up the Holy Bible and swear that you and I never had the conversation as outlined above. You sent Quinwonkpa anyway. Needless to deal with the reasons while the mission failed because it boils down to the same double crossing syndrome. It suffices to say that 20 years later his wife is looking for answers for what happened to her children’s father from the mission on which you sent him. They had made it to the great United States where you got your Harvard degree, but you sent him back in the fire to fetch you power. Don’t you think you owe his poor widow and children an apology? I know you do. Say I’m sorry, Mrs. Quinwonkpa!
I truly hope that the factual and historical events I have outlined in this letter will help to jar your memory so that you can do the right thing - tell the truth.
Sincerely,
Jucontee Thomas Woewiyu
August 30, 2005
Woewiyu’s arrest by US officials confirms our inability to pursue our own war criminals
Leo Mulbah, President of the Liberian Association of Metropolitan Atlanta (LAMA), is often heard uttering these words in frustration when he’s fed up with loquacious Liberians who just talk, but will not contribute financially to the community building fund drive his administration is undertaking.
“I tired talking.”
The short sentence above resonates because it is clear and easy to understand; and its target, the Liberian people perhaps are unaware that talk is cheap. So, instead of talking, it is better to act to make things better for you, your family and the next generation.
As is already known, the Liberian Community in Atlanta, Georgia needs its own building to save thousands of dollars the community is paying non-Liberian businesses to rent its event halls when the community is having a program.
Had the community purchased and own a building, Liberian associations – from ethnic to religious and school organizations would rent a conference room to keep the money in the hands of Liberians and the community.
That effort could save those organizations and the greater Liberian association (LAMA) money. But we Liberians - some of us just like to talk and will not contribute to a worthy cause.
Why am I narrating this story?
The arrests of George S. Boley and Jucontee Thomas Woewiyu by US authorities, and the zero role we Liberians played (except for our plenty talking and no action), is the reason behind the “I tired talking” analogy.
Why is it that Liberians are not marching in the streets of Liberia right now demanding that Ellen Johnson Sirleaf resign and appoint a Special Counsel or a war crimes court to investigate charges of war crimes that occured during the civil war?
Why Liberians are not demanding that Ellen Johnson Sirleaf be accountable to the Liberian people, to answer to charges of her role in the Liberian civil war?
Why Liberians are not demanding that Ellen Johnson Sirleaf resign the presidency for her role in the Liberian civil war? Is this president above the law?
We Liberians are aware of the evil that took place in our country for 14 years when our people were senselessly murdered, our women raped, our family members maimed, our villages destroyed, our elders disrespected and murdered, and our country destroyed to propel Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and Charles Taylor’s selfish political ambitions.
All these years, however, Liberians see themselves as helpless, but will attack those that are at least writing and speaking about the issues.
Why if the US government had not arrest Boley and Woewiyu, are we so helpless, hopeless and dependent that we cannot pursue and arrest, or find the avenue and resources to sue and arrest our own war criminals?
Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and her friend’s war of convenience did not only destroy our country, it turned Liberians into refugees and sent countless others including our elders and young people to foreign countries by land, road, air and sea.
Such evil acts should have fired us all up to find our tormentors all over the world (like others are doing right now finding their tormentors or their parent’s tormentors), to bring them to justice.
Instead, Liberians are talking ‘plenty’ and taking sides.
We are inconsistent, unserious and unpatriotic, and it is all about the individual Liberian and his or her family.
We are so good at talking and no action to the point that the former warlords are emboldened to run for elected political office. Many of these warlords who are office holders are building homes and living comfortably as if they did nothing wrong.
When a former warlord who is not a relative or friend runs for political office, we criticize and condemn that individual. But when a former warlord who is a relative or friend runs for political office, we will back that individual one hundred percent to death.
Even though the individual, as a legislator failed to deliver for his or her people, what matters to these diehard supporters is that the person is a relative or friend, or a clansman from the same (county) tribe.
How can it be?
Liberians displayed the same attitude when the person’s name is Ellen Johnson Sirleaf.
Why are Liberians so gullible?
With all her civil war excesses, coupled with skyrocketing corruption and nepotism in her administration, President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf should have been impeached long ago, for her lacked of leadership.
Instead, some Liberians are running to Liberia for government jobs, or are already in Liberia prostituting for government jobs and already working for the Sirleaf government – the same Sirleaf that financed the war that murdered their people and changed the face of their country.
Why are Liberians so gullible and unpatriotic?
It is so true that not every Liberian should be upfront in their opposition to the Ellen Johnson Sirleaf government, or any bad government.
However, when brave Liberians risk their lives writing and speaking against Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and her criminal government, all they want from their fellow citizen is their support.
But Liberians are attacking and trying to silence these Liberians as if they are not Liberian citizens.
To her credit, the fearless Lovetta Tugbeh, through her Coalition for Justice in Liberia (CJL) has been on the frontline advocating the arrest and prosecution of the former warlords, and President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf.
I applaud Lovetta Tugbeh’s efforts. And I also support the efforts of the US and other countries in their efforts to arrest and prosecute the former warlords.
But it is our fight, not theirs. We have to show interest in our own battle to rid our country of these killers before other governments can join our struggle.
Let’s support the Coalition for Justice in Liberia. Let’s also support other activists groups to bring these individuals to justice.
My people, “I tired talking” o!
IAB: Online Advertising will increase by 3% in 2014
The industry association for digital advertising and communication and the Interactive Advertising Bureau (IAB), presented its new Investment Study of Total Digital Advertising in 2013, which examines trends in media buying and investment in Internet, mobile and digital. ”
The total investment in online media advertising in Spain is 878.4 million euros, of which 832.5 million were invested in Internet PC, 39.9 million in the mobile sector and 6.1 million euros in digital signage, “said Antonio Traugott, CEO of IAB.
Regarding the investments in mobile, it is the sector with the highest growth rate, growing from 27% to 39.8% in 2013 , and has become a thriving sector.
As to compare internationally, Alberto San Agustín, head of research in IAB, said that there are some differences between countries when opting for a strategy of search engine advertising or of display advertising. The United States, The United Kingdom, France and Spain have spent more budget in strategies of search engines than to display, while Ireland, Germany and Finland have preferred to invest more in the display.
“The digital market increases its weight in the global distribution, reaching 21% of ad spending”, explained San Agustín, also highlighting the increased investment in search engine compared to the PC display.
Projections indicate that the growth of digital advertising will stand at around 3% in 2014, the video will be positioned as a preferred format and “investment in mobile continue to increase, reaching approximately 40% of the total, due to its versatility “concluded David Segura, president of IAB.
[email protected]Author and journalist Clemente Ferrer has led a distinguished career in Spain in the fields of advertising and public relations. He is currently President of the European Institute of Marketing.







